A million Puerto Rican Day Parade Goers in New York

Hola amigos: Today I bring you “A million Puerto Rican Day Parade Goers in New York”. Chita Rivera, the  Puerto Rican actress, singer and dancer, now 80, was the Grand Marshal. New York State Governor Andrew Cuomo was marching up 5th Avenue with dignitaries and a million goers with Puerto Rican flags everywhere…  ES

 

New York Governor Andrew Cuomo, center, marches up 5th Ave. with other dignitaries during the National Puerto Rican Day Parade Sunday, June 9, 2013, in New York. Photo: Craig Ruttle

 

byRyan Sit and Bill Hutchinson

NEW YORK DAILY NEWS

http://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/puerto-rican-day-paradegoers-shine-new-york-article-1.1367851#ixzz2W0MqyFRu

With 80-year-old legendary actress, singer and dancer Chita Rivera as grand marshal, parade goers reveled in the roots of the Caribbean island.

PHOTOS: PUERTO RICAN DAY PARADE 2013

Up  to 1 million spectators packed Fifth Ave. on Sunday in the city’s annual demonstration of boricua pride.

Waving Puerto Rican flags and breaking out in spontaneous salsa moves, up to 1 million spectators packed Fifth Ave. on Sunday in New York City’s annual demonstration of boricua pride.

With 80-year-old legendary actress, singer and dancer Chita Rivera as grand marshal, paradegoers reveled in the roots of the Caribbean island.

“It means everything to me,” Rivera said of leading the 56th annual National Puerto Rican Day parade for the first time. “To me, it’s the cherry on top of the cake for me.”

 

Grand Marshal Chita Rivera Image

 

Mayor Bloomberg was among the 80,000 marchers, whose ranks also included many candidates vying to succeed him in City Hall.

Riding on the Daily News’ float were Grammy-winning singer Miguelito and Danny Garcia, the light-welterweight world boxing champion.

Chants of “Que Viva Puerto Rico!” echoed through the crowd melding with mambo, hiphop and samba blaring from parade floats.

Latin band leader Orlando Marin, 77, dubbed the “Last Mambo King,” said participating in the parade was a “great honor.

“The response has been amazing,” said Anthony Weiner, a mayoral contender trying to bounce back from a sexting scandal. “We’re all Puerto Rican today.”

Weiner’s rivals — Public Advocate Bill de Blasio, City Council Speaker Christine Quinn, Controller John Liu, William Thompson and John Catsimatidis — also participated in nation’s largest Puerto Rican Day parade.

“We are the most diverse city in the world. Our diversity is our greatest strength, and the Puerto Rican community is an enormous part of that,” Quinn said.

“It’s a celebration of Puerto Rican pride and the fact that we are the friendliest group of people on the Earth,” said Marin, who rode on the Teamsters Local 237 float.

Jesus Reyes, 35, of the Bronx looked around at the crowd, most waving a Puerto Rican flags and wearing one em-blazed on their clothes, and summed it up as “a beautiful day.”

“It’s our time to shine,” Reyes said. “I’m a Puerto Rican-American and that’s how I live. Your root is your root and we never lose that.”

The event went off without a hitch despite a pre-parade controversy after the Coors brewery came out with a commemorative Puerto Rican Day Parade beer can boasting the words “cerveza oficial.”

Coors eventually pulled the cans after protesters complained that the beer sponsorship was incompatible with a parade whose theme this year was “Celebrating Your Health.”

The only thing that marred the event was an accident that sent a 29-year-old motorcycle cop to the hospital with a broken leg. The cop, who had been policing the parade route, was hit by a BWM at 11:45 a.m. on Park Ave. near 84th St. The driver stayed at the scene and was not charged.

Puerto Rico’s Novelist E. Lalo Won Top Literary Award

Hola amigos: Today I bring you “Puerto Rico’s Novelist E. Lalo Won Top Literary Award” with the novel “Simone”.  The Romulo Gallego’s Awards previous winners include Colombia’s Gabriel Garcia Marquez, Mario Vargas Llosa of  Peru and Carlos Fuentes of Mexico. If  being among this list of great writers, the best in our Latino literary heritage, is not a sign of Lalo’s future as a writer, I don’t know what is.  I can’t wait to read it. ES

“Simone” by Eduardo Lalo Image

 

http://www.hindustantimes.com/Books/Chunk-HT-UI-BooksSectionPage-LiteraryBuzz/Puerto-Rico-s-Lalo-wins-lit-award/Article1-1072442.aspx

 

Puerto Rican novelist Eduardo Lalo has won one of the Spanish speaking world’s top literary awards for an urban love story with a mystery entwined in it.

“Simone” triumphed in the 23rd edition of the Romulo Gallegos Prize, named after Venezuela’s greatest 20th century author.

Lalo is the first Puerto Rican to win the prize.

Set in the streets, taverns and other darker sides of San Juan, a city normally associated with the sun and surf of the Caribbean, his book is about a novelist who starts receiving anonymous messages in the form of quotes from famous writers.

These lead him to a series of meetings, the last of which changes his life. Woven into the labyrinth is a tortured love story.

The prize includes a 100,000 dollar stipend. Lalo will take delivery of the prize in August.

Previous winners include Colombia’s Gabriel Garcia Marquez, Mario Vargas Llosa of  Peru and Carlos Fuentes of Mexico.

 

Simone

Eduardo Lalo

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Puerto Ricans in North America – The Beginnings

Hola amigos:Today I bring you  the beginnings  of “Puerto Ricans In North America”. How was that experience of an exclusively English-speaking environment when you are ready to start learning to read and write in your mother tongue, Spanish, and there is nobody to teach you? How can you learn if the only tool you have to communicate is worthless and no body knows your language to help you learn another language? That will make you look stupid, retarded or at least disadvantaged: a functional illiterate in two languages… ES

 

USA/PR Flags Image

 

 

by: Dr.Francisco Cordaso/Diego Castellanos

http://net.lib.byu.edu/fslab/researchoutlines/LatinAmerica/PuertoRico.pdf

 

Jesus Martinez is about to enter school. He is a fine looking five-year old. He has perfect eyesight,
normal hearing, and good strong teeth. He speaks very well, is in excellent health, and of aboveaverage intelligence. Hence, he has no learning disabilities. Yet, this young American cannot be
educated in most school districts of the United States. In fact, most educators here cannot begin to
teach him.

His father, Jose Martinez, migrated to the United States mainland twenty years ago at the age of six.
At a time when he was ready to learn to read and write his mother tongue, Jose was instead suddenly
thrust into an exclusively English-speaking environment where the only tool he possessed for oral
communication was completely useless to him. When he went to school it was as if the teacher were
broadcasting in AM but Jose was equipped to receive her only in FM. He remembers it this way: “My
teacher and I could not communicate with each other because each spoke a different language and
neither one spoke the language of the other. This made me stupid, or retarded, or at least
disadvantaged.” Since teachers cannot be expected to “work miracles” on kids who are
disadvantaged, Jose fell victim to the self-fulfilling prophecy: “He won’t make it.” They agreed,
however, to allow him to “sit there” because the law required that he be in school.

For the next two years Jose “vegetated” in classes he did not understand-praying that the teacher
would not call on him. The fact is the teacher rarely called on him and seldom collected his papers
on the grounds that she could not expect of Jose what she demanded of the “more fortunate”
children. Reasonable as this notion appears to be, it served only to cause the child’s self-concept to
deteriorate.

Jose retreated into a sort of psychological isolation and began to hate not only school, but the
society he saw reflected by the school. Frustrated and discouraged, he began to find reasons for
staying home from school and, as soon as permitted, dropped out. Jose, who refers to himself as a
school “push-out,” never really learned English well. He has a great deal of difficulty reading it and
cannot write it. He speaks Spanish fluently but never learned how to read and write his mother
tongue. He is a functional illiterate in two languages.

When he is working, it is usually at the lowest paying job. He is the first to be laid off, remains
unemployed longest, and is least able to adapt to changing occupational requirements. As Jose
reflects upon his boyhood ordeal, his concerns turn to his young son who is about to embark on his
own educational experience. He knows the educational process has undergone a drastic overhaul in
the past few years. He wonders if the system is now able, or willing, to deal with his son and “”vice
versa”. He knows that a Puerto Rican child in the States who at the beginning of school is unable to
acquire literacy in English in competition with his English-speaking classmates and who is not
permitted to acquire it in his own language, makes a poor beginning that he may never be able to
overcome. For Puerto Rican migrants to the United States mainland, the spectre of inadequate
education and marginal employment are the haunting realities of contemporary survival in
deteriorating urban contexts.

Some 1.5 million Puerto Ricans live on the United States mainland. American citizens since 1917,
Puerto Ricans have migrated to the United States mainland in the search for economic opportunity.
Poor economic conditions on the island inspired massive emigration to the mainland in the previous
two decades, but no similar phenomenon has occurred in the 1970s. Between 1970 and 1974, some
21,000 more Puerto Ricans returned to the island than left. A dominant theme runs through the
studies that have been done on Puerto Ricans and their experience on the mainland. It relates to the
enormous cultural conflicts they encounter in the United States. The Puerto Rican learns norms,
values, beliefs, and behavior patterns which enable him to adjust to his social and cultural
environment and to meet his needs. For the Puerto Rican migrant, there is a right way for a wife to
behave, a right way to socialize children, and a right way for a child to respond to his parents. There
is also a right language to speak. When individuals are socially adjusted, they know the correct ways
to behave within their culture, and they act out these behavior patterns in their daily life. To a great
extent, the Puerto Rican migrant’s life on the mainland is like the individual who is experiencing a
social crisis because the norms and values that guide his behavior conflict with those in the larger
environment.
A correct understanding of the Puerto Rican community on the mainland depends on a knowledge
of (1) the nature of the Puerto Rican migration, its patterns, and the changes it has produced both on
the island and on the mainland; (2) the nature of Puerto Rican identity, particularly racial, religious,
familial, and communal; (3) the patterns of prejudice and discrimination against Puerto Ricans; (4)
the political and economic achievements of Puerto Ricans on the mainland; (5) the adjustment of
Puerto Ricans to the new environment of life on the mainland; and (6) the problems and needs of the
Puerto Rican child in American mainland schools.

THE BALCH INSTITUTE HISTORICAL READING LISTS NO.:13

Puerto Rico y Ciudadanía

Puerto Rico y Ciudadanía
por: Evelyn Santiago
mypuertoricangenealogy.com
Imagen Ciudadanía de PR
  • Descubrimiento – 1493
  • Guerra Hispanoamericana -1898
  • Súbditos Españoles hasta Abril 11, 1899
  • Ciudadanos de Puerto Rico – Abril 1899 hasta Abril 1900
  • Ley Foraker -Abril 1900 - Nacionalidad Americana
  • Ciudadanos de Puerto Rico, Nacionalidad Americana -1900-1917
  • Ley Jones -  Ciudadanía Americana – 1917
  • Ciudadanos Jure Sanguinis (Derecho por Sangre) – 1917 – 1941
  • Ley de Nacionalidad – 1940 – Jure Solis (Derecho por Suelo Inmigración)
  • Ciudadanos Jure Solis (Derecho por Suelo, Nacidos 1941 en adelante) – 1950 (o sea que desde enero 13 de 1941, todas las personas nacidas en Puerto Rico son consideradas (nativas) naturalmente nacidas como ciudadanos estadounidenses)
Luego de la invasión de los Estados Unidos a Puerto Rico el 25 de julio de 1898 y la firma del Tratado de  París entre España y Estados Unidos, PR pasó a ser territorio de Estados Unidos de America. Con esto se dio fin a la Guerra Hispanoamericana adquiriendo Estados Unidos las últimas posesiones españolas: Filipinas, Cuba y Puerto Rico. A partir de entonces y hasta el 1900, Puerto Rico tuvo un gobierno militar.
En abril de 1900 el congreso de Estados Unidos aprobó la Ley Foraker en virtud de la cual se establece un tipo de gobierno civil en Puerto Rico. En las Disposiciones Generales de la misma, Artículo 7, se dispone que  todos los habitantes de la Isla que eran súbditos de España en abril de 1899 y residían en la Isla en esa fecha, se considerarían a partir de la aprobación de la ley, ciudadanos de Puerto Rico.
En mayo 2 de 1917,  con la Ley Jones, la ciudadanía de Puerto Rico cesó y a los puertorriqueños se les concedió la ciudadania estadounidense.
Los puertorriqueños siguieron siendo ciudadanos españoles de octubre de 1898 a abril 11, 1899. De abril 11, 1899 a abril 30, 1900, los habitantes de Puerto Rico se les dio la nacionalidad estadounidense pero no la ciudadanía. De mayo 1 de 1900 a marzo 2 de 1917, los de nacionalidad estadounidense pero no ciudadano estadounidense se les concedió una ciudadanía de Puerto Rico solo con el propósito de residencia, sin ningún reconocimiento extra-territorial.
De marzo 2 de 1917 a enero 13 de 1941, los hijos de aquellos que vinieron a ser ciudadanos bajo la ley Jones se designaron como ciudadanos estadounidense “jure sanguinis” (relación por sangre, no por naturalización).
La Ley de Nacionalidad de 1940, efectiva en  enero 13 de 1941, aplicó la regla de “jure solis” a las personas nacidas en Puerto Rico después de esa fecha ya que la isla fue incluida bajo la definición de los Estados Unidos para los propósitos de inmigración.
En año 1950 la Ley  de Nacionalidad aplicó la regla de “jure solis” a las personas nacidas en Puerto Rico en o después de enero 13 de 1941, o sea a aquellos que fuesen sujetos a la jurisdicción de los Estados Unidos. En otras palabras, desde enero 13 de 1941, todas las personas nacidas en Puerto Rico son consideradas (nativas) naturalmente nacidas como ciudadanos estadounidenses.

                   El Puertorriqueño

                        Por: Manuel Alonso

 

Imagen de un Puertorriqueño

 

 

Color moreno, frente despejada,

mirar lánguido, altivo y penetrante,

la barba negra, pálido el semblante,

rostro enjuto, nariz proporcionada.

Mediana talla, marcha compasada;

el alma de ilusiones anhelante,

agudo ingenio, libre y arrogante,

pensar inquieto, mente acalorada.

Humano, afable, justo, dadivoso,

en empresa de amor siempre variable,

tras la gloria y placer siempre afanoso.

Y en amor a su patria insuperable!

Este es, a no dudarlo, fiel diseño

para copiar un buen puertorriqueño.


THE STORY OF U.S. PUERTO RICANS – PART THREE

Hola amigos: Today I bring you “The Story of US Puerto Ricans’ – Part 3, by Virginia Sanchez Korrol and The Center for Puerto Rican Studies: Puerto Rican New York during the Inter-War Years, what a story! ES

PR Flag East Harlem Image

 

by Virginia Sanchez Korrol

Centro Puerto Rican Studies

http://centropr.hunter.cuny.edu/education/puerto-rican-studies/story-us-puerto-ricans-part-three

 

 

Puerto Rican New York during the Inter-War Years:

What was it like to stroll through Spanish Harlem streets on a warm spring day in the 1920s, to chance upon Puerto Rican pioneers playing games of dominoes before neighborhood bodegas or meet the legendary figures of future colonia history? Tradition has it that one such individual, Rafael Hernández, sometimes took his guitar and steaming cup of black Puerto Rican coffee out to the sidewalk, sat on the curb, feet resting in the gutter and created music. There, he filled the streets of el barrio with strains of Puerto Rican danzas, wafting nostalgic remembrances of the homeland.  Almacenes Hernández opened for business in 1927 and held the distinction of being the first Latin record store in East Harlem. Owned by Victoria Hernandez, sister of the acclaimed composer Rafael, the store served as a magnet for aspiring musicians.  Victoria, a trained musician and entrepreneur gave piano lessons in the back of the store while Rafael created his famous melodic compositions. These compositions, especially the revered Lamento Borincano, became so synonymous with the island home that many believed they were written there.[1]

The barrio community inhabited by Hernandez and his musician friends originated with the arrival of Puerto Rican compatriots at the Brooklyn docks in the first decades of the twentieth century. The Borough of Brooklyn offered sparse opportunities that nonetheless, seemed abundant by comparison to the difficulties that they had left behind.

 

Rafael Hernandez Image

 

Since the occupation of the island, an agrarian economy, based on the commercial cultivation of one crop—sugar—predominated. Over 65% percent of the industry was controlled by four absentee American companies, which siphoned profits away from Puerto Rico contributing to a dramatic decline in the island’s employment and a small, but steady stream of out migration  Debilitated by hurricanes in 1899 and 1926, the unprotected coffee sector received the lethal blow with American preference for Brazilian and Colombian imports. The profitable tobacco sector and needle trades industry were also U.S.-controlled.  Moreover, the American tariff system bound the island into paying the same prices for imported goods as did the people in the United States, even though the standard of living in Puerto Rico was considerably lower.  Such goods consisted of basic foodstuffs, tools, textiles and other consumer commodities. An export trade could not be sustained because the island was forced to utilize a United States shipping monopoly. In sum, life in the U.S. colony of Puerto Rico was characterized by extreme poverty.  For increasing numbers of Puerto Ricans, opportunities for a better life existed elsewhere.

Pioneer migrants came in search of that better life. Each individual believed he or she embarked upon a personal odyssey, voluntarily executed.  The fact remained that island conditions visibly eroded with each passing year and held little promise for conceivable futures. The Socialist, cigar maker Bernardo Vega described life in the United States, especially New York City, between 1916 and the aftermath of the Second World War. The years spent as a political and community activist, writer and intellectual began inauspiciously as narrated in the following passage:

The topic of conversation, of course, was what lay ahead: Life in New York. First savings would be for sending for close relatives. Years later the time would come to return home with pots of money. Everyone’s mind was on that farm they’d be buying or the business they’d set up in town . . . All of us were building our own little castles in the sky.[2]

As a young, single woman, Elisa Santiago Baeza’s journey was somewhat different. The oldest daughter of impoverished farmers, Elisa came to work as a nanny and remained in the city for over 30 years. Eventually, she formed part of the return migration when she retired to Puerto Rico in 1966.  She came because, “We were eleven, six females and five males. My father always provided for us selling fruits and vegetables at the Puente de Balboa. But we were poor and as the oldest female, I was like a second mother. The burden of caring for the younger children was always on me. In 1930, I was invited to go to New York to live with my cousin. I went and stayed.”[3]

Jesùs Colòn stowed away in search of adventure and opportunity. At the tender age of 16, Colòn simply walked up the plank to board the S.S. Carolina in 1918, where a friend sequestered him inside the linen closets. Colòn records his experiences in his essay, “Stowaway.”

 

Jesus Colon Image

Thus passed the days and nights traveling under strict war regulations, darkness during the night—for the United States was at war with Germany. During the day, I was shining dishes and pans or collecting china from the tables. During the night I went to bed too tired even to be able to dream about them. . . . As the ship dropped anchor alongside a Brooklyn dock and a plank connecting dock and ship was securely fastened in its place, I went ashore as unobtrusively as I had come into the boat in San Juan Bay in Puerto Rico. I never came back to accept the steward’s offer to remain on the ship.[4]

Still others followed the trek of the seasonal worker whose propensity to leave the island for employment was already well-embedded in the Puerto Rican psyche.

The community the pioneers conceived soon spread beyond the boundaries of Brooklyn, spilling across the East River into Manhattan and the South Bronx. Puerto Ricans would predominate among a Spanish-speaking population that included Cubans, Venezuelans, Dominicans, Mexicans, Colombians and Spaniards. Low-cost tenements, cold water flats and railroad apartments that previously sheltered Jews, Italians, Irish and other immigrants now anchored Puerto Rican colonias distinct in their composition. Proximity to employment and/or access to the public transportation system that traversed the city characterized overwhelmingly working class barrios sprinkled with a Hispanic-Caribbean flavored commercial, political, religious and organizational network. These, in turn, energized the formation of tightly-knit and self-sustaining neighborhoods.  Bodegas and other small businesses supplied basic consumer needs. Information spread, not only through oral exchanges in informal familial settings, churches, schools or social-cultural clubs that soon dotted the neighborhoods, but also through a prolific network of Spanish language broadcasts and print media. The latter encompassed an impressive array of periodicals, dailies, newsletters, radio, stage and cinema. Regardless of national origin, media bonded together a broad, diverse Hispanic community.[5]

Language and cultural maintenance bonded inter-ethnic relations, connected island with New York colonias and the broader Spanish American Caribbean world. New York Latinos read Spanish newspapers, listened to Spanish language radio stations, joined groups that promoted language and cultural concerns, danced and listened to Latin music and patronized Spanish language films and stage presentations. The writer activist, Erasmo Vando (1996-1988), along with fellow artists like playwright Gonzalo O’Neill, among others, made impressive contributions in this regard. An actor, Vando produced and directed original theatrical and musical presentations. These were often staged at the Union Settlement House, the Audubon Ballroom, Town Hall, the Park Palace or Carnegie Hall and played to Puerto Rican and Latino audiences. [6]

Foreign and domestic politics also influenced inter-war enclaves, uniting them in common cause with non-Puerto Rican Latino communities. Organizations such as The Porto Rican Brotherhood of America, founded in 1926 or the Liga Puertorriqueña e Hispana, 1927, addressed collective national interests, which included advocacy for civil rights. Aware of the powerless position of U.S. Puerto Ricans, a 1927 editorial in Gráfico laments:

The most vulnerable group of those who comprise the large family of Ibero-Americans in New York City is the Puerto Ricans. Truly it seems a paradox that, being American citizens, they should be the most defenseless . . . For these reasons it is here that Puerto Ricans require a knowledgeable individual authorized to represent and advise them in those relationships which, by virtue of the environment in which we, as aliens, find ourselves, must be maintained with other social groups. [7]

Socially and politically oriented groups labored to protect the civil rights of all Hispanics, a preoccupation that included monitoring international affairs of state in the countries of origin. Puerto Rican groups joined other associations in support of the Sandinistas in Nicaragua.  Hundreds of barrio residents took to the streets to protest the slaying of innocent Nationalist victims, an event bitterly recorded in island history as the Ponce Massacre. Organizations demonstrated against Fascists in Spain and dictatorships in Cuba and Venezuela. Such lessons in solidarity stemmed from a shared heritage in Latin America and the Hispanic Caribbean but even then forecast manifestations of a collective Hispanic or Latino identity in stateside communities. Both Bernardo Vega and Jesus Colòn, long time activists and community supporters, gave importance to a unified Puerto Rican and Latino pueblo, often articulating sentiments of solidarity in their writings.[8]

Leadership was more often internal, seldom recognized as such by the wider non-Hispanic society.  Pura Belpré was one such individual. The first Puerto Rican librarian in the city’s public library system, Belpré recognized the need to maintain traditional family values and a sense of identity against the institutionalized process of Americanization.  She figured in the founding of numerous organizations dedicated to promoting such ideals, among them the Liga Puertorriqueña, Alianza Obrera, Puerto Rico Literario and the Asociaciòn de Escritores y Periodistas Puertorriqueños. A folklorist, writer and story teller, Belpré incorporated traditional Puerto Rican tales into oral and written children’s literature. She developed innovative programs for the city’s libraries, schools, settlement houses and community centers. Her audiences were of mixed heritage, representative of New York’s diverse ethnic communities,  many of whom were budding teachers preparing to instruct Latino children in the public schools.  In many ways Belpré’s legacy foreshadowed contemporary Head Start initiatives; she deliberately utilized the migrants’ island experience, as well as bilingual and multicultural elements in her programs. The artistic and literary giants of the Spanish-speaking world, including the Puerto Rican tenor, Antonio Paoli, the Spanish scholar, Federico de Onis and the Chilean Nobel Laureate, Gabriela Mistral, added cultural luster to Belpré’s library programs and professional associations.  Engaging and enthusiastic, she managed to enlist their participation whenever they were in the city. Local activists also lent valuable support.[9]

In great measure, the people’s grass-roots leaders shared a commitment to work towards the betterment and advancement of the Puerto Rican and Latino community. They expressed concern for preserving the group’s rich heritage even as they formulated strategies for claiming their rights as American citizens. A mark of their leadership abilities rested on their intimate knowledge of neighborhoods and the local bureaucratic structure confronted on a daily basis. Leadership emerged within a variety of contexts, including the ranks of labor, politics, group formation, and in a small professional class composed of physicians, lawyers, dentists, teachers and social workers. It arose among entrepreneurs, bodegueros (grocery store owners) and owners of botanicas and was evident among the clergy, nuns, Protestant ministers, missionaries, santeros and spiritualists. Some leaders remained within the regional confines of the barrios, providing insulation against the hostile environ, but many emerged as brokers between the world of their compatriots and the city’s overarching organizational and bureaucratic structure. Intermediaries, visionaries, organizers, spiritual and social service providers, all engaged, nonetheless, in performing a multitude of mundane daily tasks and personal interactions required of them in the business of building community.

Contrary to popular notions, women played major roles in this regard. The Reverend Leoncia Rosado Rousseau, or “Mama Leo,” as she was known to her followers, embraced pastoral service from the moment she arrived in New York City during the 1930s. Some 20 years later, she launched an impressive campaign within the Pentecostal Church against drug abuse. Centered on innovative rehabilitation programs, addicts received religious orientation as motivation for a productive life. Among the first to shatter gender barriers in what was then a closed profession, Reverend Rosado Rousseau was also among the earliest to guide her fundamentalist sect into the service of community. Her contemporary, Carmela Zapata Bonilla, or Sister Carmelita, was the first Puerto Rican Trinitarian nun in the city. She became an advocate, specifically in the interests of Brooklyn’s Puerto Rican barrios, where she spent a major part of her life. Her missionary work nurtured all of the poor multiethnic children in the borough, but it was the plight of the Puerto Rican migrant that sparked personal compassion. An activist since the period of the Depression, Sister Carmelita advocated for the homeless before authorities and helped reinstate evicted families into apartments. At a time when social welfare services were virtually nonexistent, Sister Carmelita developed health, housing and educational programs through Church auspices such as Catholic Charities. She was also among the first to admit that she capitalized on personal connections with influential figures within the Puerto Rican community, regardless of their spiritual leanings, to secure necessary resources for her programs.[10]

The reality of life in poor, working class barrios meant inadequate health, housing and sanitation conditions, pitiful wages, uncertain employment outcomes, limited access to education and other training opportunities, and exploitation and discrimination. The crumbling tenements or cold water flats that sheltered most Puerto Rican migrants compounded the inhospitable psychological ambiance they inhabited.   Accustomed to life in a multi-racial society, where color barriers played secondary roles to class and culture, Puerto Ricans entered a biracial world where white was viewed as positive, while blackness was devalued. They now found themselves perceived as blacks, sharing the brutal racist discrimination that permeated African American life in the United States. Ethno-racial discrimination, restrictive residential, employment and union practices exacerbated a situation already compromised by the migrants’ limited occupational skills and low proficiency in the English language. Sociologist Felix Padilla confirms the fact that this negative atmosphere was not confined to New York. Writing about Puerto Rican Chicago, he interjects, “Puerto Ricans were perceived as lazy in an ambitious culture, improvident and sensuous in a moralistic society, happy in a sober world and poor in a nation that offers riches to all who care to take them.”[11]

Inevitably, enforced lifestyle alterations resulted from the migration experience bringing about changes that were sometimes assimilated into the culture and at other times rejected. Women increasingly shouldered more of the economic burden. In spite of the fact that women in Puerto Rico already comprised some 25 percent of the work force in the early decades of the century, they were nonetheless conditioned to marriage and motherhood as traditional female roles and expected to be supportive mates in a male-dominated society. In the New York colonias, many women assumed responsibility for providing supplementary or even primary household incomes, a situation that often provoked a shift in gender roles within the family. Working wives with unemployed husbands tested traditional familial codes.

Skilled in the sewing of garments, Puertorriqueñas soon predominated in the clothing manufacturing industry. They worked in restaurants, laundries, factories; as nannies and as housekeepers in domestic service. They contributed to both the formal and informal financial sectors of the economy, becoming adept at juggling home and child rearing obligations, while working as piece workers in the home needlework industry. In their domestic surroundings, in the company of other women and children, Puertorriqueñas produced blouses, handkerchiefs, undergarments; embroidered and crocheted fine garments; fabricated flowers and decorative lamp shades; made belts and other accessories. Such settings provided the context for the transmission of cultural values, personal beliefs, reminiscences of the island ways and work skills. A sector known for exploitative practices, salaries ranged between six and eight dollars a week. In 1933 some 402 Puerto Rican women were known to have worked in the home for manufacturers, sub-contractors or personal clients, but these figures may have been inaccurate, as the practice continued well into the decades of the 40s and 50s.[12]

In addition, Puertorriqueñas pioneered numerous entrepreneurial ventures not unlike those traced to the experiences of other immigrants and African Americans. In Puerto Rican barrios these included institutionalizing the business of caring for children whose mothers worked outside the home and providing room and board for paying non-family members. Significantly, women’s enterprises enabled the cohesion of inter-war communities during their most formative and vulnerable stages. As women fostered socio-cultural links; ritual kinship networks, such as god-parenting (compadrazgo); and the raising of foster children (hijos de crianza), they extended communal bonds at a point when nuclear families predominated over extended family composition. It was often through such cooperative networks that life-long friendships formed and marriages were made. As had been customary in Puerto Rico, family units provided the basic economic source of support. Families shared apartments during difficult times and opened their homes to recently arrived migrants regardless of their economic straits. As social-cultural activities anchored togetherness in the home, so did economic ventures. In times of need, rent parties, complete with live music and comida criolla, were held in the home to aid the destitute. Fortunate was the family that included restaurant employees or musicians, for these talented individuals were frequently positioned to provide for the survival of the family unit.

The work experience of the pioneer migrant generation, particularly those who came during inter-war years, was varied. Skilled cigar workers, accomplished in union organizing, committed to socialism and aware of their place within a global working class structure stood firm in their resolve to advance diaspora communities.  The collapse of the tobacco and munitions industries in the 20s relegated Puerto Rican labor to mostly unskilled work in factories, manufacturing, light industry, manual labor, restaurants, laundries and other blue-collar sectors. There they remained concentrated throughout the ensuing decades. Within a decade, the onset of the Great Depression forced Puerto Rican workers into fierce competition with other groups, including American ethnics, now reduced to extraordinary measures in order to make ends meet. The more fortunate survived through state programs in construction, the building of roads, repairing streets and other public works spurred by federal relief funds. Others returned to Puerto Rico in the earliest of a return migration that verified the close relationship between economic cycles and the island’s population movements. The period of the 40s found Puerto Ricans in civil service and supplying labor to war-related industries once again.  Dozens of Puerto Rican men and women, especially those fluent in more than one language, became post office employees during the Second World War. Others found work in transportation, communication and other essential industries. More women migrated than men, particularly as the war came to an end. They were deemed an essential labor force in the garment industry by the decade of the 50s.

 


[1]   Ibid.

[2]    C. A. Iglesias, Memoirs of Bernardo Vega, 6.

 

[3]   Virginia Sánchez Korrol, From Colonia to Community, 41.

 

[4]    Jesús Colón, A Puerto Rican Migrant in New York and Other Sketches, 22–4.

[5]   Virginia Sánchez Korrol, From Colonia to Community, 69.

[6]   The Erasmo Vando Papers Finding Aid (Evelina Antonetty Library, Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños, Hunter College, CUNY, 1995), 5.

[7]   Gráfico, March 27, 1927, 2.

[8]   Although Vega was 15 years older than Colón, both began their literary and activist careers in New York at about the same time.   Vega arrived in 1916 and Colón in 1918.   Both expressed Socialist solidarity in their writings. For backgrounds see Iglesias (1984), Colón (1982), and Acosta Belén and Sánchez Korrol, eds. The Way It Was and Other Writings.

[9]   Sánchez Korrol, From Colonia to Community, 69.

[10]   Virginia Sánchez Korrol, “In Search of Unconventional Women: Histories of Puerto Rican Women in Religious Vocations Before Mid-Century,” in Ellen Carol DuBois and Vicki L. Ruiz, eds., Unequal Sisters: A Multicultural Reader in U.S. Women’s History (New York: Routledge, 1990), 322 – 32.

[11]   Felix Padilla, Puerto Rican Chicago (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1987), 59.

[12]   Altagracia Ortiz, Puerto Rican Women and Work: Bridges in Transnational Labor (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Temple University Press, 1996), 56. See also Lawrence Chenault, The Puerto Rican Migrant in New York (New York: Columbia University Press, 1938; New York: Russell & Russell, 1970), 72.

 

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The History of Puerto Rico – First Part – Ch. 25 – RA Van Middeldyk

Hola amigos: Today I bring you: ”The History of Puerto Rico – First Part – Chapter XXV -POLITICAL EVENTS IN SPAIN AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON AFFAIRS IN PUERTO RICO – 1833-1874: French Revolution, Spanish King’s death;  Queen Maria Christina  abdicates;  disputes  on nation’s affairs; Isabel II; twenty-six captains-general to PR from 1837 to 1874; slavery and antislavery; gambling; Insurrection of Lares; chaos .  ES

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CHAPTER XXV

POLITICAL EVENTS IN SPAIN AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON AFFAIRS IN PUERTO
RICO

1833-1874

THE French Revolution of 1830 and the expulsion of Charles X revived
the hopes of the liberal party in Spain, which party the bigoted
absolutism of the king and his minister had vainly endeavored to
exterminate. The liberals saluted that event as a promise that the
nineteenth century should see the realization of their aspirations,
and the exiled members of the party at once came to France to attempt
an invasion of Spain, counting upon the sympathy of the French
Government, which was denied them. The attempt only brought renewed
persecution to the members at home.

Fortunately, the king’s failing health and subsequent death
transferred the reins of government to the hands of the queen, who,
less absolutist than her consort, reopened the universities, which had
long been closed, and proclaimed a general amnesty, thus bringing the
expatriated and imprisoned Liberals back to political life.

After the king’s death the pretensions of Don Carlos, his brother, lit
the torch of civil war, which blazed fiercely till 1836, when a
revolution changed the Government’s policy and the constitution of
1812 was again declared in force. In 1837 the Cortes, though nearly
all the Deputies were Progressists, by a vote of 90 to 60, deprived
Cuba and Puerto Rico of the right of representation.

Another Carlist campaign was initiated in 1838. In 1839 Maria
Christina, having lost her prestige, was obliged to abdicate; then
followed the regency of the Duke de la Victoria Espartero, an
insurrection in Barcelona, the Cortes of 1843, an attack on Madrid,
and the fall of the regency, a period of seven years marked by a
series of military pronunciamentos, the last of which was headed by
General Prim.

Isabel II was now declared of age (1843), and from the date of her
accession two political parties, the Progressists and the Moderates,
under the leadership of Espartero and Narvaez respectively, contended
for control, until, in 1865, the insurrection of Vicalvaro gave the
direction of affairs to O’Donnell, Canovas del Castillo, and others,
who represented the liberal Unionist party. They remained in power
till 1866, when Prim and Gonzales Bravo raised the standard of revolt
once more and Isabel II was dethroned. Then another provisional
government was formed under a triumvirate composed of Generals Prim,
Serrano, and Topete, who represented the Progressist and the
democratic parties (September, 1868). They steered the ship of state
till 1871, and, seeing the rocks of revolution still ahead, offered
the Spanish crown to Amadeo, who, after wearing it scarce two years,
found it too heavy for his brow, and abdicated. He had changed
ministeriums six times in less than two years, and came to the
conclusion that the modern Spaniards were ungovernable.

A republican form of government was now established (February 11,
1873), and it was understood by all parties that it should be a
Federal Republic, in which each of the provinces should enjoy the
largest possible amount of autonomy, subject to the authority of the
central government.

This proved to be the stumbling-block; the deputies could not agree on
the details, passions were aroused, violent discussions took place.
The Carlists, seeing a favorable opportunity, plunged the Basque
provinces, Navarra, Cataluna, lower Aragon, and part of Castilla and
Valencia, into civil war. At the same time, the Radicals promoted what
were called “cantonnal” insurrections in Cartagena, and Spain seemed
on the verge of social chaos and ruin.

A _coup d’etat_ saved the country. General Pavia, the Captain-General
of Madrid, with a body of guards forced an entrance into the halls of
congress and turned the Deputies out (January 3, 1874). A provisional
government was once more constituted with Serrano at the head. His
first act was to dissolve the Cortes.

* * * * *

The events just summarized exercised a baneful influence on the
social, political, and economic conditions of this and of its more
important sister Antilla.

Royalists, Carlists, Liberals, Reformists, Unionists, Moderates, and
men of other political parties disputed over the direction of the
nation’s affairs at the point of the sword, and as each party obtained
an ephemeral victory it hastened to send its partizans to govern
these islands. The new governors invariably proceeded at once to undo
what their predecessors had wrought before them.

They succeeded each other at short intervals. From 1837 to 1874
twenty-six captains-general came to Puerto Rico, only six of whom left
any grateful memories behind. The others looked upon the people as
always watching for an opportunity to follow the example of the
continental colonies. They pursued a policy of distrust, suspicion,
and of uncompromising antagonism to the people’s most legitimate
aspirations.

The reactionists, in their implacable odium of progress and liberty,
considered every measure calculated to give greater freedom to the
people or raise their moral and intellectual status as a crime against
the mother country; hence the utter absence of the means of education,
and a systematic demoralization of the masses.

Don Angel Acosta[53] mentions the Count de Torrepando as an example of
this. He came from Venezuela to govern this island in 1837, with the
express purpose, he declared, of diverting the attention of the
inhabitants from the revolutionary doings of Bolivar.

Gambling was, and is still, one of the ruling vices of the common
people. He encouraged it, established cockpits in every town and
instituted the carnival games. He also established the feast of San
Juan, which lasted, and still lasts, the whole month of June; and
when some respectable people, Insulars as well as Peninsulars,
protested against this official propaganda of vice and idleness, he
replied: “Let them be–while they dance and gamble they don’t
conspire; … these people must be governed by three B’s–Barraja,
Botella, and Berijo.” [54] General Pezuela, a man of liberal
disposition and literary attainments,[55] stigmatized the people of
Puerto Rico as a people without faith, without thought, and without
religion, and, though he afterward did something for the intellectual
development of the inhabitants, in the beginning of his administration
(1848-1851) thought it expedient not to discourage cock-fighting, but
regulated it.

In 1865 gambling was public and universal. In the capital there was a
gambling-house in almost every street. One in the upper story of the
house at the corner of San Francisco and Cruz Streets, kept by an
Italian, was crowded day and night. The bank could be distinctly seen
from the Plaza, and the noise, the oaths, the foul language, mixing
with the chink of money distinctly heard. When the governor’s
attention (General Felix Messina) was called to the scandalous
exhibition, his answer was: “Let them gamble, … while they are at it
they will not occupy themselves with politics, and if they get ruined
it is for the benefit of others.”

This systematic villification of the people completely neutralized
the effect of the measures adopted from time to time by progressist
governors, such as the Count of Mirasol, Norzagaray, Cotoner, and
Pavia, and not even the revolution of September, 1868, materially
affected the disgraceful condition of affairs in the island. Only
those who paid twenty-five pesos direct contribution had the right of
suffrage. The press remained subject to previous censorship, its
principal function being to swing the incense-burner; the right of
public reunion was unknown, and if known would have been
impracticable; the majority of the respectable citizens lived under
constant apprehension lest they should be secretly accused of
disloyalty and prosecuted. Rumors of conspiracies, filibustering
expeditions, clandestine introductions of arms, and attempts at
insurrection were the order of the day. Every Liberal was sure to be
inscribed on the lists of “suspects,” harassed and persecuted.

A seditious movement among the garrison on the 7th of June, 1867, gave
Governor Marchessi a pretext for banishing about a dozen of the
leading inhabitants of the capital, an arbitrary proceeding which was
afterward disapproved by the Government in Madrid.

Such a situation naturally affected the economic conditions of the
island. Confidence there was none. Credit was refused. Capital
emigrated with its possessors. Commerce and agriculture languished.
Misery spread over the land. The treasury was empty, for no
contributions could be collected from an impoverished population, and
the island’s future was compromised by loans at usurious rates.

The dethronement of Isabel II, and the revolution of September, 1868,
brought a change for the better. The injustice done to the Antilles by
the Cortes of 1873 was repaired, and the island was again called upon
to elect representatives. The first meetings with that object were
held in February, 1869.

The ideas and tendencies of the Liberal and Conservative parties among
the native Puerto Ricans were now beginning to be defined. Each party
had its organ in the press[56] and advocated its principles; the
authorities stood aloof; the elections came off in an orderly manner
(May, 1869); the Conservatives carried the first and third districts,
the Liberals the second.

It may be said that the political education of the Puerto Ricans
commenced with the royal decree of 1865, which authorized the minister
of ultramarine affairs, Canovas del Castillo, to draw up a report from
the information to be furnished by special commissioners to be elected
in Puerto Rico and Cuba, which information was to serve as a basis for
the enactment of special laws for the government of each island. This
gave the commissioners an opportunity to discuss their views on
insular government with the leading public men of Spain, and they
profited by these discussions till 1867, when they returned.

The question of the abolition of slavery had not been brought to a
decision. The insular deputies were almost equally divided in their
opinions for and against, but the revolutionary committee in its
manifesto declared that from September 19, 1868, all children born of
a slave mother should be free.

In Puerto Rico this measure remained without effect owing to the
arbitrary and reactionist character of the governor who was appointed
to succeed Don Julian Pavia, during whose just and prudent
administration the so-called Insurrection of Lares happened. It was
originally planned by an ex-commissioner to Cortes, Don Ruiz Belviz,
and his friend Betances, who had incurred the resentment of Governor
Marchessi, and who were banished in consequence. They obtained the
remission of their sentences in Madrid. Betances returned to Santo
Domingo and Belviz started on a tour through Spanish-American
republics to solicit assistance in his secessionist plan; but he died
in Valparaiso, and Betances was left to carry it out alone.

September 20, 1868, two or three hundred individuals of all classes
and colors, many of them negro slaves brought along by their masters
under promise of liberation, met at the coffee plantation of a Mr.
Bruckman, an American, who provided them with knives and machetes, of
which he had a large stock in readiness. Thus armed they proceeded to
the plantation of a Mr. Rosas, who saluted them as “the army of
liberators,” and announced himself as their general-in-chief, in token
whereof he was dressed in the uniform of an American fireman, with a
tri-colored scarf across his breast, a flaming sash around his waist,
with sword, revolver, and cavalry boots. During the day detachments
of men from different parts of the district joined the party and
brought the numbers to from eight to ten hundred. The commissariat,
not yet being organized, the general-in-chief generously provided an
abundant meal for his men, which, washed down with copious drafts of
rum, put them in excellent condition to undertake the march on Lares
that same evening.

At midnight the peaceful inhabitants of that small town, which lies
nestled among precipitous mountains in the interior, were startled
from their sleep by loud yells and cries of “Long live Puerto Rico
independent! Down with Spain! Death to the Spaniards!” The alcalde and
his secretary, who came out in the street to see what the noise was
about, were made prisoners and placed in the stocks, where they were
soon joined by a number of Spaniards who lived in the town.

The contents of two or three wine and provision shops (pulperias) that
were plundered kept the “enthusiasm” alive.

The next day the Republic of Boriquen was proclaimed. To give
solemnity to the occasion, the curate was forced to hold a
thanksgiving service and sing a Te Deum, after which the Provisional
Government was installed. Francisco Ramirez, a small landholder, was
the president. The justice of the peace was made secretary of
government, his clerk became secretary of finance, another clerk was
made secretary of justice, and the lessee of a cockpit secretary of
state. The “alcaldia” was the executive’s palace, and the queen’s
portrait, which hung in the room, was replaced by a white flag with
the inscription: “Long live free Puerto Rico! Liberty or Death! 1868.”
The declaration of independence came next. All Spaniards were ordered
to leave the island with their families within three days, failing
which they would be considered as citizens of the new-born republic
and obliged to take arms in its defense; in case of refusal they would
be treated as traitors.

The next important step was to form a plan of campaign. It was agreed
to divide “the army” in two columns and march them the following day
on the towns of Pepino and Camuy; but when morning came it appeared
that the night air had cooled the enthusiasm of more than half the
number of “liberators,” and that, considering discretion the better
part of valor, they had returned to their homes.

However, there were about three hundred men left, and with these the
“commander-in-chief” marched upon Pepino. When the inhabitants became
aware of the approach of their liberators they ran to shut themselves
up in their houses. The column made a short halt at a “pulperia” in
the outskirts of the town, to take some “refreshment,” and then boldly
penetrated to the plaza, where it was met by sixteen loyal militiamen.
A number of shots were exchanged. One “libertador” was killed and two
or three wounded, when suddenly some one cried: “The soldiers are
coming!” This was the signal for a general _sauve qui peut_, and soon
Commander Rojas with a few of his “officers” were left alone. It is
said that he tried to rally his panic-stricken warriors, but they
would not listen to him. Then he returned to his plantation a sadder,
but, presumably, a wiser man.[57]

As soon as the news of the disturbance reached San Juan, the Governor
sent Lieutenant-Colonel Gamar in pursuit of the rebels, with orders to
investigate the details of the movement and make a list of names of
all those implicated. Rosas and all his followers were taken prisoners
without resistance. Bruckman and a Venezuelan resisted and were shot
down.

Here was an opportunity for the reactionists to visit on the heads of
all the members of the reform party the offense of a few misguided
jibaros, and they tried hard to persuade the governor to adopt severe
measures against their enemies; but General Pavia was a just and a
prudent man, and he placed the rebels at the disposition of the civil
court. They were imprisoned in Lares, Arecibo, and Aguadilla, and,
while awaiting their trial, an epidemic, brought on by the unsanitary
conditions of the prisons in which they were packed, speedily carried
off seventy-nine of them.

Of the rest seven were condemned to death, but the governor pardoned
five. The remaining two were pardoned by his successor.

So ended the insurrection of Lares. During the trial of the rebels,
the same members of the reform party who had been banished by
Governor Marchessi, Don Julian Blanco, Don Jose Julian Acosta, Don
Pedro Goico, Don Rufino Goenaga, and Don Calixto Romero, were
denounced as the leaders of the Separatist movement. They were
imprisoned, but were soon after found to have been falsely accused and
liberated.

[Illustration: Only remaining gate of the city wall, San Juan.]
Until the arrival of General Don Gabriel Baldrich as governor (May,
1870), Puerto Rico benefited little by the revolution of September,
1868. The insurrection in Cuba, which coincided with the movement in
Lares, made Sanz, the successor of Pavia, a man of arbitrary character
and reactionary principles, adopt a policy more suspicious and
intransigent than ever (from 1869 to 1870), but Governor Baldrich was
a staunch Liberal, and the Separatist phantom which had haunted
his predecessor had no terrors for him. From the day of his arrival,
the dense atmosphere of obstruction, distrust, and jealousy in which
the island was suffocating cleared. The rumors of conspiracies ceased,
political opinions were respected, the Liberals could publicly express
their desire for reform without being subjected to insult and
persecution. The gag was removed from the mouth of the press and each
party had its proper organ. The municipal elections came off
peaceably, and the Provincial Deputation, composed entirely of Liberal
reformists, was inaugurated April 1, 1871.

General Baldrich was terribly harassed by the intransigents here and
in the Peninsula. He was accused of being an enemy of Spain and of
protecting the Separatists. Meetings were held denouncing his
administration, menaces of expulsion were uttered, and he was insulted
even in his own palace. Violent opposition to his reform measures were
carried to such an extent that he was at last obliged to declare the
capital in a state of siege (July 26, 1871).

On September 27th of the same year he left Puerto Rico disgusted, much
to the regret of the enlightened part of the population, which had,
for the first time, enjoyed for a short period the benefits of
political freedom. As a proof of the disposition of the majority of
the people they had elected eighteen Liberal reformists as Deputies to
Cortes out of the nineteen that corresponded to the island.

Baldrich’s successor was General Ramon Gomez Pulido, nicknamed “coco
seco” (dried coconut) on account of his shriveled appearance. Although
appointed by a Radical Ministry, he inaugurated a reactionary policy.
He ordered new elections to be held at once, and soon filled the
prisons of the island with Liberal reformists. He was followed by
General Don Simon de la Torre (1872). His reform measures met with
still fiercer opposition than that which General Baldrich encountered.
He also was forced to declare the state of siege in the capital and
landed the marines of a Spanish war-ship that happened to be in the
port. He posted them in the Morro and San Cristobal forts, with the
guns pointed on the city, threatening to bombard it if the
“inconditionals” who had tried to suborn the garrison carried their
intention of promoting an insurrection into effect. He removed the
chief of the staff from his post and sent him to Spain, relieved the
colonel of the Puerto Rican battalion and the two colonels in
Mayaguez and Ponce from their respective commands, and maintained
order with a strong hand till he was recalled by the Government in
Madrid through the machinations of his opponents.

During the interval between the departure of General Baldrich and the
arrival in April, 1873, of Lieutenant-General Primo de Rivero, there
happened what was called “the insurrection of Camuy,” in which three
men were killed, two wounded, and sixteen taken prisoners, which
turned out to have been an unwarrantable aggression on the part of the
reactionists, falsely reported as an attempt at insurrection.

General Primo de Rivero brought with him the proclamation of the
abolition of slavery and Article I of the Constitution of 1869,
whereby the inhabitants of the island were recognized as Spaniards.

Great popular rejoicings followed these proclamations. In San Juan
processions paraded the streets amid “vivas” to Spain, to the
Republic, and to Liberty. In Ponce the people and the soldiers
fraternized, and the long-cherished aspirations of the inhabitants
seemed to be realized at last.

But they were soon to be undeceived. The Republican authorities in the
metropolis sent Sanz, the reactionist, as governor for the second
time. His first act was to suspend the individual guarantees granted
by the Constitution, then he abolished the Provincial Deputation,
dissolved the municipalities in which the Liberal reformists had a
majority, and a new period of persecution set in, in which teachers,
clergymen, lawyers, and judges–in short, all who were distinguished
by superior education and their liberal ideas–were punished for the
crime of having striven with deed or tongue or pen for the progress
and welfare of the land of their birth.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 53: Estudio Historico. San Juan, 1899.]

[Footnote 54: Cards, rum, and women.]

[Footnote 55: He had been President of the Royal Academy.]

[Footnote 56: El Porvenir, for the Liberals, the Boletin Mercantil,
for the Conservatives.]

[Footnote 57: Extracts from the History of the Insurrection of Lares,
by Jose Perez Moris.]

Black History in Puerto Rico

Hola amigos: Today I bring you: Black History  in PR: African freemen who arrived with the Conquistadors, slaves from Africa, Africans from British and French possessions in the Caribbean immigrate to Puerto Rico as freemen, Spanish decree of 1789 allowed slaves to earn or buy their freedom, 1873- slavery was abolished in Puerto Rico, black contributions to the music, art, language, and heritage of Puerto Rico. ES

 

Bomba – Baile_De_Loiza_Aldea_by_Antonio Broccoli Porto

 

by Academic

Wikimedia Foundation

http://en.academic.ru/dic.nsf/enwiki/2209359

 

Black history in Puerto Rico initially began with the African freeman who arrived with the Spanish Conquistadors. The Spaniards enslaved the Tainos who were the native inhabitants of the island and many of them died as a result of the treatment that they had received. This presented a problem for the Spanish Crown since they depended on slavery as a means of manpower to work the mines and build forts. Their solution was to import slaves from Africa and as a consequence the vast majority of the Africans who immigrated to Puerto Rico did so as a result of the slave trade. The Africans in Puerto Rico came from various points of Africa, and suffered many hardships and were subject to cruel treatment.

When the gold mines were declared depleted and no longer produced the precious metal, the Spanish Crown ignored Puerto Rico and the island became mainly a garrison for the ships. Africans from British and French possessions in the Caribbean were encouraged to immigrate to Puerto Rico and as freemen provided a population base to support the Puerto Rican garrison and its forts.

The Spanish decree of 1789 allowed the slaves to earn or buy their freedom. However, this did little to help them in their situation and eventually many slaves rebelled, most notably in the revolt against Spanish rule known as the “Grito de Lares. On March 22, 1873, slavery was abolished in Puerto Rico.

The Africans that came to Puerto Rico overcame many obstacles and particularly after the Spanish-American War, their descendants helped shape the political institutions of the island. Their contributions to the music, art, language, and heritage became the foundation of Puerto Rican culture.

 

First Africans in Puerto Rico

When Ponce de León and the Spaniards arrived in the island of “Borinken” (Puerto Rico), they were greeted by the Cacique Agüeybaná, the supreme leader of the peaceful Taíno tribes in the island. Agüeybaná helped to maintain the peace between the Taínos and the Spaniards. According to historian Ricardo Alegria, the first free black man arrived in the island in 1509. Juan Garrido, a conquistador who belonged to Juan Ponce de León’s entourage was the first black man to set foot on the island and in the New World. Garrido, who was born on the West African coast, was the son of an African King. He joined Juan Ponce de Leon in 1508 with about 50 conquistadors, to explore Puerto Rico and prospect for gold. He fought under Ponce de Leon in 1511, to repress the Caribs and the Tainos who had joined forces in Puerto Rico in a great revolt against the Spaniards. [ [http://www.choice.vi/~crucian/caron.htm The First West African on St. Croix?] , Retrieved May 9, 2008]

Garrido went on to join Hernan Cortes in the Spanish conquest of Mexico. ["Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African"; By Henry Louis Gates; Page 815; Published 1999 by Basic Civitas Books; ISBN 0465000711] Another free black man who accompanied de León was Pedro Mejías. Mejías married a Taíno woman chief (a cacica) by the name of Yuisa. Yuisa was baptized Luisa (hence the name of the town of Loiza) so that she could marry Mejías. [http://www.viaccess.net/~crucian/caron.htm The First West African on St. Croix?] , Retrieved July 20, 2007] [ [http://www.ipoaa.com/africa_puertorico.htm African Aspects of the Puerto Rican Personality by (the late) Dr. Robert A. Martinez, Baruch College] , Retrieved May 10, 2008]

The peace between the Spaniards and the Taínos would be short-lived because the Spaniards soon took advantage of the Taínos’ good faith and enslaved them, forcing them to work in the gold mines and in the construction of forts. Many Taínos died as a result of either the cruel treatment that they had received or of the smallpox disease epidemic which had attacked the island. Many Taínos either committed suicide or left the island after the failed Taíno revolt of 1511. [http://www.angelfire.com/az2/puertorico/Iagueybana.html Boriucas Illustres] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

Friar Bartolomé de las Casas, who had accompanied Ponce de León to the New World, was outraged by the treatment of the Spaniards against the Taínos and protested in 1512 in front of the council of Burgos of the Spanish Courts. He fought for the freedom of the natives and was able to secure their rights. The Spanish colonists, who feared losing their labor force, protested before the courts. The colonists in Puerto Rico complained that they not only needed the manpower to work the mines and on the fortifications, but also in the thriving sugar industry. As an alternative Las Casas suggested the importation and use of black slaves. In 1517, the Spanish Crown permitted its subjects to import twelve slaves each in what became the beginning of the slave trade in the New World. [http://oregonstate.edu/instruct/phl302/philosophers/las_casas.html Bartolomé de las Casas] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

According to historian Luis M. Diaz, the largest contingent of Africans came from the Gold Coast, Nigeria, and Dahomey, or the region known as the area of Guineas, the Slave Coast. However, the vast majority came from the Yorubas and Igbo ethnic groups from Nigeria and the Bantus from the Guineas.

 

Afro-Boricua Map Image

The number of slaves in Puerto Rico rose from 1,500 in 1530 to 15,000 by 1555. The slaves were branded on the forehead with a stamp so people would know they were brought in legally and it prevented them from being kidnapped. [http://www.ipoaa.com/africa_puertorico.htm African Aspects of the Puerto Rican Personality] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

African slaves were sent to work the gold mines, as a replacement of the lost Taino manpower, or to work in the fields in the island’s ginger and sugar industry. They were allowed to live with family in a bohio (hut) on the master’s land and was given a patch of land where they could plant and grow vegetables and fruits. Blacks had little or no opportunity for advancement and faced discrimination from Spaniards. The slave was educated by his or her master and soon learned to speak his language. They enriched the “Puerto Rican Spanish” language by adding some words of their own and educated their children with what they had learned from their masters. The Spaniards considered the blacks superior to the Taínos, since the Taínos were unwilling to assimilate their ways. The slave had no choice but to convert to Christianity, they were baptized by the Catholic Church and assumed the surnames of their masters. It should be noted that many slaves were subject to harsh treatment which in cases included rape. The majority of the Conquistadors and farmers who settled the island had arrived without women and most of them intermarried with blacks or Taínos creating a mixture of races that was to become known as the “mestizo’s” or “mulattos”. This mixture was to become the basis of the Puerto Rican people.[http://www.ipoaa.com/africa_puertorico.htm African Aspects of the Puerto Rican Personality] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

By 1570, the gold mines were declared depleted and no longer produced the precious metal. After gold mining came to an end in the island, the Spanish Crown basically ignored Puerto Rico by changing the routes of the west to the north. The island became mainly a garrison for the ships that would pass on their way to or from the other and richer colonies. An official Spanish edict of 1664 offered freedom and land to African people from non-Spanish colonies, such as Jamaica and St. Dominique (Haiti), who immigrated to Puerto Rico and provided a population base to support the Puerto Rican garrison and its forts. These freeman who settled the western and southern parts of the island, soon adopted the ways and customs of the Spaniards. Some joined the local militia which fought against the British in their many attempts to invade the island. It should be noted that the escaped slaves and freedman who immigrated from the West Indies, kept their former masters surnames which normally was either English or French. This is why it is not uncommon for Puerto Ricans of African ancestry to have non-Spanish surnames. [http://www.ipoaa.com/africa_puertorico.htm African Aspects of the Puerto Rican Personality] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

 

Royal Decree of Graces of 1789

By the 18th century slaves were no longer branded the method of hot branding was no longer used after 1784. They were also permitted to obtain their freedom under the following circumstances:
* A slave could be freed in a church or outside of it, before a judge, by testament or letter in the presence of his master.
* A slave could be freed against his master’s will by denouncing a forced rape, by denouncing a counterfeiter, by discovering disloyalty against the king, and by denouncing murder against his master.
* Any slave who received part of his master’s estate in his master’s will automatically became free.
* If a slave were left as guardian to his master’s children he also became free.
* If slave parents in Hispanic America had ten children, the whole family went free. [http://www.ensayistas.org/antologia/XIXE/castelar/esclavitud/cedula.htm Real Cédula de 1789 "para el comercio de Negros"] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

In 1789, the Spanish Crown issued the “Royal Decree of Graces of 1789″, which set new rules in regard to the commercialization of slaves and added restrictions to the granting of freeman status. The decree granted its subjects the right to purchase slaves and to participate in the flourishing business of slave trading in the Caribbean. Later that year a new slave code, also known as “El Código Negro” (The Black code), was introduced. [http://www.fortunecity.com/victorian/churchmews/1216/BandoNegro.htm "El Codigo Negro" (The Black Code)] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

The slave could buy his freedom if his master was willing to sell and by paying the price sought. Slaves were allowed to earn money during their spare time by working as shoemakers, cleaning clothes, or by selling the produce which they were allowed to grow in the small patch of land given to them by their masters. Another means by which they were allowed to pay for their freedom was by installments. They were allowed to make payments in installments for a new born child, not yet baptized, which cost half the going price for a baptized child. In Puerto Rico there was no racial stigma of racial inferiority since slavery, on an individual basis, could be eliminated by a fixed purchasing price. [http://www.fortunecity.com/victorian/churchmews/1216/BandoNegro.htm "El Codigo Negro" (The Black Code)] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

Many of these freeman started settlements in the areas which became known as Cangrejos (Santurce), Carolina, Canovanas, Loíza, Loíza Aldea, and Luquillo and some became slave owners themselves [http://www.ipoaa.com/africa_puertorico.htm African Aspects of the Puerto Rican Personality] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

In 1741, the Spanish government established the Regimiento Fijo de Puerto Rico after the native-born Puerto Ricans (criollos) had petitioned the Spanish Crown to serve in the regular Spanish army. Many of the former slaves, who were now freeman, either joined the Fijo or the local civil militia. These Puerto Ricans of African ancestry played an instrumental role in the defeat of Sir Ralph Abercromby and in the defense of Puerto Rico from a British invasion in 1797. [[http://www.fortunecity.com/victorian/churchmews/1216/Invasion1797.html La invasión británica a Puerto Rico de 1797] , Retrieved June 25, 2008]

 

19th century

Famous Puerto Rican Freeman

One of the most renowned Puerto Ricans of African ancestry was Rafael Cordero (1790 – 1868), a freeman born in San Juan, Puerto Rico. He became known as “The Father of Public Education in Puerto Rico”. Cordero was a self-educated Puerto Rican who provided free schooling to children regardless of their race.

Rafael Cordero Image

Among the distinguished alumni who attended Cordero’s school were future abolitionistsRomán Baldorioty de Castro, Alejandro Tapia y Rivera, and José Julián Acosta. Cordero proved that racial and economic integration could be possible and accepted. In 2004, the Roman Catholic Church, upon the request of San Juan Archbishop Roberto González Nieves, began the process of Cordero’s beatification. [ [http://www.preb.com/biog/rcordero.htm Rafael Cordero] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

José Campeche (1751 — 1809), was another Puerto Rican of African ancestry who contributed greatly to the island’s culture. Campeche’s father Tomás Campeche, was a freed slave born in Puerto Rico, and María Jordán Marqués, his mother, came from the Canary Islands. Because of this mixed descent, he was identified as a mulatto, a common term during his time.

 

Jose Campeche Image

Campeche is the first known Puerto Rican artist and is considered by many as one of its best. He distinguished himself with his paintings related to religious themes and of governors and other important personalities.  [http://www.zonai.com/promociones/biografias/0301/ana_oneill.asp El Nuevo Dia] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

Capt. Miguel Henriquez (c.1680 — 17??), a former pirate who became Puerto Rico’s first black military hero when he organized an expeditionary force which fought and defeated the British in the island of Vieques. Capt. Henriques was received as a national hero when he returned the island of Vieques back to the Spanish Empire and to the governorship of Puerto Rico. He was awarded “La Medalla de Oro de la Real Efigie” and the Spanish Crown named him “Captain of the Seas” awarding him a letter of marque and reprisal which granted him the privileges of a privateer.  [http://www.xpertia.com/home.asp?tip=usu&id=5&item=pregunta&id_item=81560&idr=67767 Miguel Henriquez] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

 

The Royal Decree of Graces of 1815

The Royal Decree of Graces of 1815 was a legal order approved by the Spanish Crown in the early half of the 19th century to encourage Spaniards and later Europeans of non-Spanish origin to settle and populate the colonies of Cuba and Puerto Rico. The decree encouraged slave labor to revive agriculture and attract new settlers. The new agricultural class now immigrating from other countries of Europe sought slave labor in large numbers and cruelty became the order of the day. It is for this reason that a series of slave uprisings occurred on the island, from the early 1820s until 1868 in what is known as the Grito de Lares. [[http://www.icp.gobierno.pr/galeria/archivogeneral/documentos/index.htm Archivo General de Puerto Rico: Documentos] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

The 1834 Royal census of Puerto Rico established that 11% of the population were slaves, 35% were colored freemen and 54% were white. [[http://www.fullbooks.com/The-History-of-Puerto-Rico4.html The History of Puerto Rico by R.A. Van Middeldyk] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

Rose Clemente, a black Puerto Rican columnist wrote “Until 1846, Blacks on the island had to carry a notebook (Libreta system) to move around the island, like the passbook system in apartheid South Africa.” [ [http://www.finalcall.com/perspectives/who_is_black07-10-2001.htm Who is Black? ]

 

Abolitionists

By the mid 19th century, a committee of abolitionists was formed in Puerto Rico which included many prominent Puerto Ricans. Dr.Ramón Emeterio Betances (1827 — 1898), whose parents were wealthy landowners, believed in the abolition of slavery and together with fellow Puerto Rican and abolitionist Segundo Ruiz Belvis (1829 — 1867) founded a clandestine organization called “The Secret Abolitionist Society”.

 

Dr.Ramon E Betances Image

The objective of the society was to free children who were slaves, by the sacrament of Baptism. The event, which was also known as “aguas de libertad” (waters of liberty), was carried out at the Cathedral of Mayaguez. When the child was baptized, Betances would give money to the parents which they in turn used to buy the child’s freedom from his master. [Dávila del Valle. Oscar G., [http://www.triplov.com/carbonaria/antilhas/valle_01.htm Presencia del ideario masónico en el proyecto revolucionario antillano de Ramón Emeterio Betances] , available at the Grande Loja Carbonária do Brasil’s website, [http://www.triplov.com/carbonaria/] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

José Julián Acosta (1827 — 1891) was a member of a Puerto Rican commission, which included Ramón Emeterio Betances, Segundo Ruiz Belvis, and Francisco Mariano Quiñones (1830 — 1908). The commission participated in the “Overseas Information Committee” which met in Madrid, Spain. There, Acosta presented the argument for the abolition of slavery in Puerto Rico. [[http://www.zonai.com/promociones/biografias/0201/julian_acosta.asp Jose Julian Acosta] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

On November 19, 1872, Román Baldorioty de Castro (1822 — 1889) together with Luis Padial (1832 — 1879), Julio Vizcarrondo (1830 — 1889) and the Spanish Minister of Overseas Affairs, Segismundo Moret (1833 — 1913), presented a proposal for the abolition of slavery. On March 22, 1873, the Spanish government approved the proposal which became known as the Moret Law. [ [http://www.loc.gov/rr/hispanic/1898/baldorioty.html Román Baldorioty de Castro - Library of Congress] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

This edict granted freedom to slaves over 60 years of age, those belonging to the state, and children born to slaves after September 17, 1868. Most importantly for genealogy purposes, the Moret Law established the Central Slave Registrar which in 1872 began gathering the following data on the island’s slave population: name, country of origin, present residence, names of parents, sex, marital status, trade, age, physical description, and master’s name. [[http://web.archive.org/web/20041018214100/http://www.cubacreme.com/documents/loi-moret-es.htm Text of the Moret Law (in Spanish) from the Internet Archive] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

The Spanish government had lost most of its possessions in the New World by 1850. After the successful slave rebellion against the French in St Dominique (Haiti) in 1803, the Spanish Crown became fearful that the “Criollos” (native born) of Puerto Rico and Cuba, her last two remaining possessions, may follow suit. Therefore, the Spanish government issued the Royal Decree of Graces of 1815, attracting European immigrants from non-Spanish countries to populate the island believing that these new immigrants would be more loyal to Spain. However, they did not expect the new immigrants to racially intermarry as they did and identify themselves completely with their new homeland. [http://www.ensayistas.org/antologia/XIXE/castelar/esclavitud/cedula.htm Real Cédula de 1789 "para el comercio de Negros"] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

On May 31, 1848, the Governor of Puerto Rico Juan Prim, in fear of an independence or slavery revolt imposed draconian laws, “El Bando contra La Raza Africana”, to control the behavior of all Black Puerto Ricans, slave or free. [http://www.linktopr.com/esclavitud.html Esclavitud en Puerto Rico] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

On September 23, 1868, slaves, who were promised their freedom, participated in the short failed revolt against Spain which became known in the history books as “El Grito de Lares” or “The Cry of Lares”. Many of the participants were imprisoned or executed. [ [http://nylatinojournal.com/home/history/americas/el_grito_de_lares.html] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

 

Abolition of Slavery

On March 22, 1873, slavery was abolished in Puerto Rico. Slave owners were to free their slaves in exchange of a monetary compensation. The majority of the freed slaves continued to work for their former masters with the difference that they were now freeman and received what was considered a just pay for their labor. [http://www.loc.gov/rr/hispanic/1898/slaves.html Abolition of Slavery in Puerto Rico] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

The freed slaves were able to fully integrate themselves into Puerto Rico’s society. It cannot be denied that racism has existed in Puerto Rico since racism is something that exists in every country, however, racism in Puerto Rico did not exist to the extent of other places in the New World, possibly because of the following factors:

* In the 8th century, nearly all of Spain was conquered (711 — 718), by the Muslim Moors who had crossed over from North Africa. The first blacks were brought to Spain during Arab domination by North African merchants. By the middle of the 13th century all of the Iberian peninsula had been reconquered. A section of the city of Seville, which once was a Moorish stronghold, was inhabited by thousands of blacks. Blacks became freeman after converting to Christianity and lived fully integrated in Spanish society. Black women were highly sought after by Spanish males. Spain’s exposure to people of color over the centuries accounted for the positive racial attitudes that were to prevail in the New World. Therefore, it was no surprise that the first conquistadors who arrived to the island, intermarried with the native Taínos and later with the African immigrants. [http://ipoaa.com/africa_puertorico.htm African Aspects of the Puerto Rican Personality by (the late) Dr. Robert A. Martinez, Baruch College] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

* The Catholic Church played an instrumental role in the human dignity and social integration of the black man in Puerto Rico. The church insisted that every slave be baptized and converted to the Catholic faith. In accordance to the church’s doctrine, master and slave were equal before the eyes of God and therefore brothers in Christ with a common moral and religious character. Cruel and unusual punishment of slaves was considered a violation of the fifth commandment. [http://ipoaa.com/africa_puertorico.htm African Aspects of the Puerto Rican Personality by (the late) Dr. Robert A. Martinez, Baruch College] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

* When the gold mines were declared depleted in 1570 and mining came to an end in Puerto Rico, the vast majority of the white Spanish settlers left the island to seek their fortunes in the richer colonies such as Mexico and the island became a Spanish garrison. The majority of those who stayed behind were either black or mulattos (of mixed race). By the time Spain reestablished her commercial ties with Puerto Rico, the island had a large multiracial population. Even though one of the reasons that the Spanish Crown put the Royal Decree of Graces of 1815 into effect was to “whiten” the island’s population by offering attractive incentives to non-Hispanic Europeans, the new arrivals continued to intermarry with the native islanders. By 1868, the majority of the population of Puerto Rico was interracially mixed.[http://ipoaa.com/africa_puertorico.htm African Aspects of the Puerto Rican Personality by (the late) Dr. Robert A. Martinez, Baruch College] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

The racism that did exsist and which Black Puerto Ricans were subject to was exposed by two Puerto Rican writers; Abelardo Diaz Alfaro(1916 — 1999) and Luis Palés Matos (1898 — 1959) who was credited with creating the poetry genre known as Afro-Antillano. [ [http://www.jornada.unam.mx/1998/04/19/sem-julia.html Julió, Edgardo Rodróguez (19 April 1998) "Utopia y Nostalgia en Pales Matos" "La Jornada Semanal" Universidad de México, an analysis of Luis Palés Matos] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

 

Spanish-American War

After the Spanish-American War of 1898, Puerto Rico was ceded to the United States by way of the Treaty of Paris of 1898. The United States took over control of the island’s institutions. Political participation by the natives was restricted. One Puerto Rican politician of African descent who distinguished himself during this period was José Celso Barbosa (1857 — 1921) who on July 4, 1899, founded the pro-statehood Puerto Rican Republican Party. He is known as the “Father of the Statehood for Puerto Rico” movement.

Another distinguished Puerto Rican of African descent, who in this case was an advocate of Puerto Rico’s independence was Arturo Alfonso Schomburg (1874 — 1938) who became known as the “Father of Black History” in the United States and who coined the phrase “Afro-borincano” meaning African-Puerto Rican. [ [http://www.cwo.com/~lucumi/schomburg.html HISTORY NOTES: ARTHUR ALFONSO "AFROBORINQUENO" SCHOMBURG] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

 

Arturo Alfonso Schomburg Image

 

Discrimination

After the United States Congress approved the Jones Act of 1917, every Puerto Rican became a citizen of the United States. Many Puerto Ricans were drafted into the armed forces, which at that time was segregated. Puerto Ricans of African descent were subject to the discrimination which was rampant in the U.S. [http://www.loc.gov/rr/hispanic/1898/jonesact.html Jones-Shafroth Act - The Library of Congress] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

Black Puerto Ricans residing in the mainland United States were assigned to all-black units. Rafael Hernandez (1892 — 1965) was assigned to the 396th Infantry Regiment, African-American regiment which gained fame during World War I and became known as the “Harlem Hellfighters”. [ [http://www.allaboutjazz.com/php/musician.php?id=6589 James Reese Europe] , Retrieved August 8, 2007]

Rafael Hernandez Image

 

 

Pedro Albizu Campos (1891 — 1965), who later became the leader of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party, held the rank of lieutenant in the 375th Infantry Regiment which was stationed in Puerto Rico and never saw combat action. According to Campos, the discrimination which he witnessed in the Armed Forces, influenced his political beliefs. [http://www.prpop.org/biografias/PR Popular Culture] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

 

Pedro Albizu Campos Image

 

Puerto Ricans of African descent were not only subject to the racial discrimination that was common in the military and in everyday life in the U.S., but were also discriminated in sports as well. One good example is baseball. Puerto Ricans who were dark skinned and wanted to play Major League Baseball in the United States, were not allowed to do so because of the so-called codification of baseball’s color line of 1892, barring not only African American players, but player from any country who was dark skinned. [cite web | last=Bolton | first=Todd | title=History of the Negro Major Leagues | publisher=Negro League Baseball Players Association | url=http://www.nlbpa.com/history.html | accessdate=2008-01-01]

This, however did not keep Puerto Ricans of African descent from participating in the sport which they were determined to play. In 1928, Emilio “Millito” Navarro traveled to New York City and became the first Puerto Rican to play baseball in the Negro Leagues when he joined the Cuban Stars. [http://www.coe.ksu.edu/nlbemuseum/history/players/navarro.html Negro League Museum] , Retrived July 8, 2008]

 

Emilio “Millito” Navarro Image

He was later followed by many others such as Francisco Coimbre who also played for the Cuban Stars. The persistence of these men pathed the way for the likes of Roberto Clemente and Orlando Cepeda who in the future would play in the Major Leagues and eventually be inducted into the Baseball Hall of Fame after the color line was broken by Jackie Robinson of the Brooklyn Dodgers in 1947.

Black Puerto Ricans also excelled in other sports. In the 1948 Summer Olympics celebrated in London, known as the XIV Olympics, Juan Evangelista Venegas made Puerto Rican sports history by winning Puerto Rico’s first Olympic medal ever when he beat Belgium’s representative, Callenboat, on points for a unanimous decision.

Juan Evangelista Image

 

He won the bronze medal in boxing in theBantamweight division, falling short of the silver medal to Giovanni Zuddas. [http://www.puertorico-herald.org/issues/2002/vol6n30/PRSportsBeat0630-en.html Puerto Rico Herald] ]

The event was also historical because it was the first time that the island would participate as a nation in an international sporting event. It was common for impoverished Puerto Rican to seek boxing as a way to earn an income and it would not be long before a Puerto Rican of African descent would become a world champion. On March 30, 1965, José “Chegui” Torres defeated Willie Pastrano by technical knockout and won the World Boxing Council and World Boxing Association light heavyweight championships, at the moment becoming the third Puerto Rican and the first of African descent to win a professional world championship. [cite web| url=http://www.ibhof.com/97cerem.htm| title=Induction Weekend: The Class of '97| publisher=International Boxing Hall of Fame| accessdate=2008-05-22]

Among those who exposed the racism and discrimination which Puerto Ricans, especially Black Puerto Ricans were subject to in the United States was Jesus Colon, considered by many as the “Father of the Nuyorican movement”.

 

Jesus Colon Image

 

He expresses his experiences in New York as aBlack Puerto Rican in the book “Lo que el pueblo me dice–: crónicas de la colonia puertorriqueña en Nueva York” (What the people tell me—: Chronicles of the Puerto Rican colony in New York). [http://oak.cats.ohiou.edu/~rouzie/569A/benington/bios.htm Biography of Jesus Colon] ]

 

African influence in Puerto Rican culture

The descents of the former African slaves became instrumental in the development of Puerto Rico’s political, economic and cultural structure. They overcame many obstacles and have made their presence felt in their contributions to the island’s entertainment, sports, literature and scientific institutions. Their contributions and heritage can still be felt today in Puerto Rico’s art, music, cuisine, and religious beliefs in everyday life. In Puerto Rico, March 22 is known as “Abolition Day” and it is a holiday celebrated by everyone. [[http://www.shagtown.com/days/puertorico.html Encyclopedia of Days] , Retrieved August 8, 2007] ]

 

Language

Some African slaves spoke “Bozal” Spanish, a mixture of Portuguese, Spanish, and the language spoken in the Congo. The African influence in the Spanish spoken in the island can be traced to the many words from African languages that have become a permanent part of Puerto Rican Spanish (and, in some cases, English). [http://muse.jhu.edu/demo/arizona_journal_of_hispanic_cultural_studies/v010/10.1ferreira.html Arizona language studies] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

 

Music

Puerto Rican musical instruments such as la clave (also known as par de palos or “two sticks”), drums with stretched animal skin such as bongos or congas, and Puerto Rican music-dance forms such as la bomba or la plena are likewise rooted in Africa. The Bomba represents the strong African influence in Puerto Rico. Bomba is a music, rhythm and dance that was brought  (it’s origins) by West African slaves to the island of Puerto Rico. [http://www.musicofpuertorico.com/index.php/genre/bomba/ Music of Puerto Rico] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

The Plena is another form of folkloric music of Puerto Rico of African origin. The Plena (it’s origins) was brought to Ponce by blacks who immigrated north from the English-speaking islands south of Puerto Rico. The Plena is a rhythm that is clearly African and very similar to Calypso, Soca and Dancehall music from Trinidad and Jamaica. [http://www.rhythmweb.com/jorge/plena.htm Rhythms of Puerto Rico] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

 

La Plena Image

 

The Bomba and Plena were played during the festival of Santiago (St. James), since slaves were not allowed to worship their own gods, and soon developed into countless styles based on the kind of dance intended to be used at the same time; these include leró, yubá, cunyá, babú and belén. The slaves celebrated baptisms, weddings, and births with the “bailes de bomba”. Slaveowners, for fear of a rebellion, allowed the dances on Sundays. The women dancers would mimic and poke fun at the slave owners. Masks were and still are worn to ward off evil spirits and pirates. One of the most popular masked characters is the “Vejigante” (vey-hee-GANT-eh). The Vejigante is a mischievous character that stars in the Carnivals of Puerto Rico. Traditionally he wears a papier mache mask and a colorful robe. [http://www.hipsonfire.com/HistoryInfo/diccionario.htm Hips on fire] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

Until 1953, the Bomba and Plena were virtually unknown outside of the island until Puerto Rican musicians Rafael Cortijo (1928 — 1982) and Ismael Rivera (1931 — 1987) and the El Conjunto Monterrey orchestra introduced the Bomba and Plena to the world. What Rafael Cortijo did with his orchestra was to modernize these Puerto Rican folkloric rhythms with piano, bass, saxophones, trumpets, and other percussion instruments such as timbales, bongos, and replacing the typical barriles (skin covered barrels) with congas. [http://www.losplenerosdela21.org/artists.html Children's workshop] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

Rafael Cepeda (1910 — 1996), also known as “The Patriarch of the Bomba and the Plena”, was the patriarch of the Cepeda Family. The family is one of the most famous exponents of Puerto Rican folk music, with generations of musicians working to preserve the African heritage in Puerto Rican music.

 

Rafael Cepeda Image

 

The family is well known for their performances of the bomba and plena folkloric music and are considered by many to be the keepers of those traditional genres. [http://netdial.caribe.net/~leviatan/don_rafael.html Don Rafael Cepeda Atiles] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

 

Cepeda Bomba/Plena School Image

 

“Listen to a “Potpourri of Plenas” interpreted by Rene Ramos [http://elboricua.com/AfroBorinquen_Culture.html Here] ”

 

Cuisine

Puerto Rican cuisine also has a strong African influence. The melange of flavors that make up the typical Puerto Rican cuisine counts with the African touch. Pasteles, small bundles of meat stuffed into a dough made of grated plantain (sometimes combined with pumpkin, potatoes, plantains, or yautía) and wrapped in plantain leaves, were devised by African women on the island and based upon food products that originated in Africa.

The salmorejo, a local land crab creation, resembles Southern cooking in the United States with its spicing. The mofongo, one of the island’s best-known dishes, is a ball of fried mashed plantain stuffed with pork crackling, crab, lobster, shrimp, or a combination of all of them. Puerto Rico’s cuisine embraces its African roots, weaving them into its Indian and Spanish influences. [[http://www.cosmos.ne.jp/~miyagawa/nagocnet/data/prhistory.html Puerto Rico] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

 

Religion

The African slaves bought with them their traditional religious beliefs. Even though they were converted into Christianity, the European Spanish, upon their arrival to Puerto Rico they did not abandon their African religious practices altogether. Santeria is a religion created between the diverse images drawn from the Catholic Church and the representational deities of the African Yoruba ethnic group of Nigeria.[http://www.bloomington.in.us/~lgthscac/santeria.htm SANTERIA, THE ORISHA TRADITION OF VOUDOU: DIVINATION, DANCE, & INITIATION] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

In Santería there are many deities who respond to one “top” or “head” God. These deities, which are said to have descended from heaven to help and console their followers, are known as “Orishas.” According to Santeria the Orishas are the ones who chooses the person whom it will watch over. [ [http://www.timboucher.com/journal/2006/07/24/at-the-crossroads At the Crossroads] – A first hand account of a Santeria divinatory reading, Retrieved July 20, 2007]

Unlike other religions where the a worshiper is closely identified with his sect (such as Christianity) the worshiper is not always a “Santero”. Santeros are the priests and the only official practitioners (“Santeros” are not to be confused with Puerto Rico’s craftsmen who carve and create religious statues from wood and are also called Santeros). A person becomes a Santero if he passes certain tests and has been chosen by the Orishas. [http://www.bloomington.in.us/~lgthscac/santeria.htm SANTERIA, THE ORISHA TRADITION OF VOUDOU: DIVINATION, DANCE, & INITIATION] , Retrieved July 20, 2007]

 

Notable Puerto Ricans of African Ancestry

The following is a list of Puerto Ricans of African descent born in the island who have reached notability in their respective fields, either in Puerto Rico, the United States, and/or internationally:

*Juan Morel Campos - composer
*Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos - lawyer, Nationalist leader
*Dr. Jose Celso Barbosa - medical doctor, sociologist, and politician
*Wilfred Benitez - boxer
*Carmen Belen Richardson - actress
*Jose Campeche - painter
*Dr. Jose Ferrer Canales - educator, writer and activist
*Bobby Capo - musician, composer
*Roberto Clemente - baseball player
*Orlando “Peruchin” Cepeda - baseball player
*Rafael Cepeda - folk musician and composer
*Jesús Colón - writer and politician
*rafael Cordero - educator
*Jose “Cheo” Cruz - baseball player
*Tite Curet Alonso - composer
*Carlos Delgado - baseball player
*Sylvia Del Villard - activist and actress
*Cheo Feliciano - salsa singer
*Ruth Fernandez - singer and actress
*Pedro Flores - composer
*Juano Hernandez - actor
*Rafael Hernandez - musician and composer
*Emilio “Millito” Navarro - baseball player
*Victor Pellot - baseball player
*Ernesto Ramos Antonini - Speaker of the House
*Pedro Rosa Nales - News anchor/ Reporter
*Mayra Santos-Febres - writer, poet, essayist, screenwriter, and college professor
*Arturo Alfonso Schomburg - educator and historian
*Félix Trinidad - boxer
*Juan Evangelista Venegas - boxer
*Otilio “Bizcocho” Warrington - comedian and actor
*Bernie Williams - baseball player

 

THE STORY OF U.S. PUERTO RICANS – PART TWO

Hola amigos: Today I bring you “The Story of U.S. Puerto Ricans – Part 2″

by Virginia Sanchez Korrol and The Center for Puerto Rican Studies.

The Puerto Rican Diaspora Image


by Virginia Sanchez Korrol

Center for Puerto Rican Studies

ttp://centropr.hunter.cuny.edu/education/puerto-rican-studies/story-us-puerto-ricans-part-two

 

 

Labor Migration and U.S. Policies:

The invasion of Puerto Rico during the Spanish-Cuban-American War bound the island within a U.S. political-economic orbit and promoted in turn the continental emigration of countless workers to American cities and possessions. U.S. occupation accelerated a foreign-controlled capitalist agrarian system. It ushered in decades of neglect and chronic underemployment connected with a metropolis-owned and protected sugar plantation monopoly.  Virtual eradication of coffee, tobacco and other agrarian sectors became the norm. Almost immediately, emigration loomed large as an escape valve for an increased population, viewed by U.S. government officials as excess and, therefore, fodder for relocation as a cheap source of labor. Recruitment of contract laborers by Caribbean plantation owners had drawn some Puerto Rican workers to the Dominican Republic, Cuba, Venezuela and Ecuador in the waning years of the nineteenth century, but this worker exodus paled in comparison to what transpired in the twentieth century.

Within the first decade of American control, Governor Charles Allen lent full support to emigration as he surmised, “… the emigration of these people can do no harm to the island. Out of a population of nearly a million, not more than 5,000 or 6,000 have emigrated—scarcely one half of one percent. They will never be missed in making up the census returns of the next decade. Porto Rico has plenty of laborers and poor people generally“.[1] Recruitment centers opened in the coastal cities of San Juan, Ponce, Aguadilla, Arecibo, Mayaguez and in the western mountain areas of Adjuntas.  Between 1900 and 1901 eleven expeditions consisting of over 5,000 men, women and children were recruited by the Hawaiian Sugar Planters’ Association to work alongside Japanese, Chinese, Filipinos, Portuguese and Italians in the pineapple and sugar fields of those Pacific islands.  Contractual accords stipulated incentives—credit for transportation expenses, the availability of public education, opportunities to worship in Catholic Churches, decent wages and standard living accommodations.

[2]  However, contractual abuses abounded. The voyage to the Hawaiian Islands proved cumbersome, inflicting undue hardship and distress on the contracted workers. The trip originated in one of several ports, including the Capital City of San Juan, Ponce or Mayaguez, the island’s second and third largest cities. From there, the ships steamed to New Orleans, where the workers boarded trains bound for Los Angeles or San Francisco. The last leg of the journey was from San Francisco to Hawaii, where the workers’ contingents were parceled out in small crafts to plantations on several of the islands.

Families were particularly attractive to recruiters as they were known to provide stability and greater length of service. Women, therefore, were as important for a successful recruitment effort as were the men. Salary differentials as stipulated in the labor contracts placed women and girls at a distinct disadvantage, but this was not an uncommon situation, as female labor had been traditionally undervalued in Puerto Rico. Women were conditioned to work for considerably lower wages. Their primary function, after all, was perceived in conventional terms: the reproduction of children, integration of the family unit, transmission of cultural values and traditions and, by extension, reproduction of the workforce. Nevertheless, the contracted workforce found great distinctions between the agricultural system as practiced in Hawaii and what they were used to in Puerto Rico. Many of the workers came from the island’s depressed coffee sector, characterized by paternalistic relations between landowner and worker. In Hawaii, the Borinkis, as they were called, were used to temper the organizing efforts of the Japanese. Puerto Ricans were segregated in work camps surrounded by groups who spoke different languages, conducted different lifestyles, utilized different modes of transacting trade and worshipped different gods.

As early as 1903, 539 Puerto Rican children were enrolled in Hawaiian schools. Within three years this figure rose to 650, and there are indications that Puerto Rican women were already employed as teachers as early as 1924. Puerto Ricans constituted 2.2 percent of the Hawaiian population in 1923, just over 5,000 individuals. Despite increased outmarriage, dispersal and isolation of Puerto Rican workers throughout the islands and limited involvement with the homeland, 9,551 individuals claimed a Puerto Rican identity in the 1950 census.[3]

Unrest among the worker contingents surfaced almost immediately as reports describing the migrants’ horrendous ordeals appeared in the San Francisco Chronicle, The New York Times and newspapers in Puerto Rico.Desertion was not uncommon, and tales of individuals who refused to board Hawaii-bound vessels account for the emergence of the earliest Puerto Rican settlements in California. Men and women deposited on San Francisco wharves ultimately secured employment in Alameda and Santa Clara counties and went on to form the earliest Puerto Rican organizations in California. The Puerto Rican Club of San Francisco (1911) and the Club Puertorriqueño de California(1923) promoted progressive agendas pledged to advancement and maintenance of the island’s cultural heritage and values.[4]

Despite the fact that a small contingent of contracted workers was brought into Hawaii as late as 1926, labor recruitment virtually ends in the first decade of the century, influenced in great measure by island protestations.  Puerto Rican leaders blasted the controlled emigration, citing a weakening of the island’s social and cultural fabric.  Others, intending to justify recruitment, called into question the civil status of the workers: “If the island is an integral part of the U.S., so is Hawaii, and there is no law to check the passage of laborers from one domestic point to another; and second, if Porto Rico is not an integral part of the United States, neither is Hawaii; and therefore federal laws do not apply.” [5]

Less than a hundred Puerto Rican workers were repatriated, but others remained in Hawaii and, in time, managed to make productive lives for themselves. Some became landowners, homesteading on several of the islands. Such possessions remain in the hands of these early families to the present.

As would be the patterns in other stateside colonias, organizations soon emerged to structure and coalesce the small communities. Among the earliest in Hawaii, the Puerto Rican Welfare Association appeared in the 1920s, followed in 1931 by the Civic Club. The latter sought to change the situation of Puerto Ricans. Their charter pledged to promote the general welfare and prosperity of Puerto Ricans in Hawaii and to “improve by any and all lawful and honorable means their status and condition in order to attain highest order of American citizenship.”[6]  The need to promote themselves as the American citizens that they were arose on numerous occasions. Historian Norma Carr cites several attempts to deny Puerto Ricans the right to vote. Debates over the rights of citizenship, granted to all Puerto Ricans under the Jones Act of 1917, seemed to indicate the group’s intention to stay in Hawaii. Hawaii’s Puerto Ricans had all but created their own culture by the decades of the 50s and 60s, fusing elements of both their Atlantic island heritage and their Pacific island home. Although many would continue to identify with their country of origin, they spoke English, knew little about Puerto Rico, “poured Shoyo on their bacalao and sang Hawaii Pono’i” as their native anthem. Puerto Rican-Hawaiian musicians played the ukulele instead of the ancestral quatro and, in essence, became keiki hanau o Ka’aina— children of the land.

[7]  Nevertheless, a significant Caribbean presence did reemerge with the stationing of Puerto Rican military personnel in Hawaiian bases, enriching and replenishing the contemporary community.

As Puerto Rican contract workers emigrated to various countries and American states between 1900 and 1924, they set into motion a continuum of emigration and permutations that persist to the present. Justified by the premise of overpopulation, emigration was promoted as a temporary but valuable measure. Puerto Rican men and women were openly encouraged to leave their homeland, not only for Hawaii but to set the rails in Ecuador, harvest henequen in Yucatan, work in agriculture in Colombia, as industrial workers in St. Louis, Missouri, and pick cotton and fruit in Arizona and New Mexico.[8]  Viewed from another perspective, the ten women from “good families” contracted to work in the American Manufacturing Company in Brooklyn, New York, in 1920, the earliest documented couple to arrive in Meriden for work in a Connecticut ball bearing factory in 1925, and the 20 or 30 families recruited to live and work for the Arizona Cotton Growers’ Association in 1926 set the stage for a procession of migrants that would intensify with the coming years.[9]

The dynamics of migration were inextricably linked to economic considerations and fluctuated according to market cycles. During the First World War, a shortage of semiskilled and unskilled labor in the United States stimulated the migration of 13,000 contract laborers for employment in war-related industries.  American citizenship facilitated the transfer of thousands of Puerto Ricans to mainland communities, as their relocation encompassed nothing more than was required of individuals crossing state lines. Two other factors encouraged Puerto Rican migration: the decline in the U.S. labor force due to immigration restrictions accruing from the National Origins Act in 1924 and conscription into the U.S. military. Overall, some 83,000 individuals saw action in the two World Wars, and many would use their military experience as a springboard for living in the continental United States.[10]

Between 1909 and 1916, some 7,394 individuals emigrated from Puerto Rico to the United States, but in 1917 that figure rose to 10,812 migrants.  An estimated 52,000 Puerto Ricans resided in the United States between 1920 and 1930. The prosperous period following the Great War drew Puerto Rican migrants to employment in the lowest paying sectors of production—manufacturing and light factory work, hotel and restaurants, cigar making, domestic service and laundries. However, between the period of the Great Depression and the end of the Second World War, there was a marked decrease in the annual average net migration. By the decade of the 30s, Puerto Ricans already made up over 40 percent of the New York City’s Latino population—61,463 out of a total population of 134,000.[11]

For the next 30 years, this city, so important in the earlier struggles for independence, would continue to attract the major portion of the migration.

 

[1]   First Annual Report of Charles Allen, 1900 –1901 in History Task Force, Sources for the Study of Puerto Rican Migration, 1879–1930 (Centro de Estudios Puertorriquenos, Hunter College, CUNY, 1982), 14–15.

[2]   Two important studies on Puerto Rican migration during this early period are: History Task Force, Sources for the Study of Puerto Rican Migration, 1870–1930, and Norma Carr, The Puerto Ricans in Hawaii, 1900–1956 (Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, 1989).

[3]   Norma Carr, The Puerto Ricans in Hawaii, 182–3, 465.

[4]   Virginia Sánchez Korrol, “In Their Own Right: The History of Puerto Ricans in the U.S.A. in Alfredo Jiménez ed., Handbook of Hispanic Cultures in the United States: History (Houston, Texas: Arte Público Press, 1994), 286.

[5]   The Daily Picayune, “Porto Ricans Classed as American Citizens,” in Norma Carr, The Puerto Ricans in Hawaii, 93, 158.

(6]   Ibid., 243, 267, 272.

[7]   Ibid., 318.

[8]   Newspapers remain the best sources for this information. See Preliminary Guide to Articles in Puerto Rican Newspapers Relating to Puerto Rican Migration Between 1900 and 1929 (Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños, Hunter College, CUNY, 1981). See also Articles in the New York Times Relating to Puerto Rico and Puerto Ricans, 1899–1930,  (Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños, 1981).

[9]   History Task Force, Sources for the Study of Puerto Rican Migration,  4, 187–193. See also Virginia Sánchez Korrol, “In Their Own Right,” 286 and Ruth Glasser, Aqui Me Quedo:The Puerto Ricans in Connecticut, 31.

[10]   Arturo Morales Carrión, Puerto Rico: A Political and Cultural History (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1983), 257–8, 285–6.

[11]   Virginia Sánchez Korrol, From Colonia to Community, 11–47. See also Gabriel Haslip-Viera, “The Evolution of the Latino Community in New York City: Early Nineteenth Century to the Present,” in Gabriel Haslip-Viera and Sherrie Baver, eds., Latinos in New York: Communities in Transition (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1966), 3–29.

 

US Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor Visits Puerto Rico

Hola amigos: “US Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor Visits Puerto Rico On Book Tour.” Sotomayor, 58, in her book “My Beloved World” tells the story of her rise from a tenement in which English was rarely spoken to her entry into service as a federal judge in 1992. She grew up so poor in the South Bronx that her family never even had a bank account but was admitted to Princeton University and Yale Law School on her race to success.  Miss Sotomayor:  I Salute You, ES
Sonia Sotomayor “My Beloved World”  Book Image
By Danica Coto
Associated Press
Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor visited Puerto Rico to present her new memoir on Tuesday, drawing hundreds of fans in her parents’ homeland.

 

The visit by the first Latina Supreme Court justice was an unscheduled stop on her book tour.

 

Sotomayor greeted a large crowd of students and teachers Tuesday morning as she entered the Law School of the University of Puerto Rico, where she spoke about her memoir, “My Beloved World.” The book gives a personal account of her rise from an impoverished New York City tenement to becoming a federal judge in 1992.

 

Before talking about her book, Sotomayor moved her chair to the edge of the stage to be closer to the audience, which applauded her gesture. During the two-hour discussion with Puerto Rican writer Mayra Santos-Febres, Sotomayor said it was important that her readers get to know and understand Puerto Rico.

 

“I wanted to introduce them to our culture,” she said. “That’s a theme I had to include in every page of the book.”

 

The self-described “Nuyorican,” or Puerto Rican from New York, later met with the general public at the Plaza Las Americas mall, where she signed copies of the book.

 

As she strode onstage in a bright orange jacket, Sotomayor waved to the crowd below and smiled. “It’s important to be here, because this is the place of the people,” she said in Spanish as the crowd cheered and held cameras aloft to take pictures and videos.

 

First in line to meet her was Karlos Rijos, a 67-year-old retired business owner from San Juan who arrived at 6 a.m. and waited seven hours for Sotomayor to arrive.
“I admire women who rise a lot higher than many men,” he said. “She rose up from nothing. You have to admire that.”

 

Event organizers warned that Sotomayor would not be taking pictures with her fans, but the justice made an exception when 11-year-old Annette Margaret Laureano was ushered first onstage. She had convinced her father to drive from the northeast coast of Fajardo to the capital of San Juan so she could meet the justice.

 

Laureano adjusted her bangs and gave her father a nervous smile before she walked onstage to receive a hug, a kiss and encouraging words from Sotomayor.

 

“That she’s a judge, Hispanic and a woman gives me a lot of hope,” Laureano said. “I’ve always wanted to be a judge, but she has further inspired me … She overcame a lot of things.”

 

Several people in the crowd said they identified with Sotomayor because they, too, were born to Puerto Rican parents and grew up in housing projects in New York’s borough of the Bronx. Among them was Ramon Zapata, 61, who now lives in Puerto Rico and owns a remodeling company.

 

“She has been an inspiration to me and to my two daughters,” Zapata said. “I literally fell from my chair when I heard they had appointed a Puerto Rican, from the Bronx no less, to the Supreme Court.”

 

Before Sotomayor began signing books, she introduced her mother, Celina, to the crowd, prompting someone to yell, “Congratulations on producing such a success!” Celina Sotomayor smiled as her daughter also thanked her and her grandmother for their support.

“This book was written by all of you,” Sotomayor said, thanking grandparents in the crowd, some of whom were then hugged by their nieces or nephews.

 

Jose Antonio Rodriguez Sotomayor, 86, smiled as he heard those words. In his right hand, he clutched a cane, and in his left, a sepia-colored picture showing a relative of Sonia Sotomayor that they have in common. He was later introduced to Sonia Sotomayor’s mother, who he had not previously met.
“She saw the picture and was so happy,” Rodriguez said.

 

Sonia Sotomayor’s mother, a nurse, is from San German, a rural town near the southwest coast. Her father, who died when she was 9, was from San Juan. Many of Sotomayor’s relatives, including Rodriguez, live around the island’s northwest coast.

 

Sotomayor previously visited Puerto Rico in May 2012 and in December 2009, shortly after being named justice.

 

On Tuesday, Sotomayor said that many people have told her they visited Puerto Rico for the first time after reading her book.
“You should make me Puerto Rico’s tourism minister,” she joked.

 

THE STORY OF U.S. PUERTO RICANS – PART ONE

Hola amigos: Today I bring you “The Story of  US Puerto Ricans – Part 1″. This historical narrative  of the migration of Puerto Ricans to the US starts with an introduction to the world of 1898 and the Spanish American War when the Treaty of Paris ceded the Puerto Rican Archipelago to the United States. From that date on(1898), all puerto ricans were born in the US, citizens (1917) or not.  ES

 

The Statue of Liberty and the PR Flag Image

 

by Virginia Sanchez Korrol

Center For Puerto Rican Studies http://centropr.hunter.cuny.edu/education/puerto-rican-studies/story-us-puerto-ricans-part-one

 

The Historical Narrative

Introduction: To Angel Rivero, the young Puerto Rican Captain charged with defending Fort San Cristóbal in San Juan that fateful night of August 13, 1898, the signs of peace were all but secured. Articles in praise of the American flag had appeared in La Prensa, and censorship had generally been relaxed. At one thirty in the morning he received the dreaded news that Spain renounced its sovereignty over Cuba and ceded Puerto Rico to the United States. “Such a sad night!” he writes. “I spend it, all of it, seated upon a cannon; as the sun comes out I affirm my resolution, taken before the war.  As soon as the peace is signed, I will leave the Spanish army and return to civilian life so as to share in whatever fortunes befall my country”.[1]  

 

For close to 3 million American citizens of Puerto Rican ancestry living in the United States, and the 3.5 million who reside in Puerto Rico, 1998 commemorates the historical episode recorded so eloquently in Rivero’s Crónica de la guerra hispano americana.  It marks the centenary of official United States–Puerto Rico sociopolitical and economically motivated connections that began one hundred years before, when the Treaty of Paris ceded the Puerto Rican Archipelago to the United States as indemnity to cover the costs of the Spanish-Cuban–American War.

 

The second largest among the Hispanic/Latino population of the United States, Puerto Ricans have figured in the making of U.S. history since before the nineteenth century, when the colony was still a major fortification of defense for the Spanish New World Empire. Puerto Ricans reside in all fifty of the United States, with significant concentrations in New York, New Jersey, Illinois, Florida, Pennsylvania, California, Connecticut and Massachusetts.

 

Among the earliest of crossroads in the Americas, Puerto Rico reflects the mestizaje that defines the hemisphere and encompasses historical legacies from indigenous, African, European and Anglo American peoples. American citizens by congressional fiat, Puerto Ricans enjoyed a long, well-documented history, before the passage of the Jones Act in 1917. That past incorporates over three millennia of Indigenous experience. Incorporated as well are the importation of enslaved Africans and the landmarks surrounding their struggles for liberation from the moment they set foot on the island until abolition in 1873.

 

The fusion of these major strands molded a people who have historically struggled for political self–definition, determination, and cultural affirmation, first under Spain and in the twentieth century under the United States. In sum, while Puerto Rico was shaped by its own combination of historical forces, it shares an ineffaceable Spanish American and Anglo American heritage. That duality is aptly conceptualized in the statement coined by sociologist Clara Rodríguez when she wrote, “Since 1898, all Puerto Ricans have been born in the U.S.A.”[2]

 

To interpret a balanced history and understand the unique position of mainland Puerto Ricans without distortion requires educators to take several factors into consideration. First, the complexity of the island’s political status cannot be underestimated, for it directly impacts the creation of diasporic communities in the United States. Neither a state nor an independent nation, Puerto Rican affairs are as much a part of U.S. history as they are the history of the Puerto Rican people. Indeed, hegemonic deliberations and decisions about commonwealth, statehood or independence status ultimately rest with the Congress of the United States, albeit promoted by a steadfast patriotism on the part of the people of Puerto Rico. Second, the involvement of Puerto Ricans in the United States predates the nineteenth century and refutes popular notions that place this relationship at the moment of the groups’ post World War II arrival on U.S. soil, the first airborne migration of American citizens in the mid-century. Third, Puerto Ricans comprise diverse socio-economic mainland communities, two-thirds of which exist outside of the historically significant New York City. Each has its own unique heritage and experience, yet each is connected to the others primarily through cultural identification. Fourth, the study of U.S. Puerto Ricans increasingly incorporates the transnational nature of the Puerto Rican people.

 

Described as a commuter nation, a people without borders, the experience is rooted in a nation with a shifting configuration of mainland settlements. In the words of sociologist David Hernández, “One must begin to take the position that Puerto Rican identity is not a local or insular matter but a transnational reality.”[3] Their story, then, signals a complex process incorporating elements of both conventional manifestations of the immigrant experience in the United States and that of American ethnic and racial minorities. Their role in shaping continental communities and institutions begins in late eighteenth century, when Puerto Rican merchants traded in cities such as New Orleans, Philadelphia, New York, Bridgeport or Boston. The urban and rural sectors in which they interacted nurtured small exile enclaves by the early nineteenth century.

 

These grew to influence migratory patterns and destinations, socio-cultural traditions, political and economic factors, language, literary expression, attitudes and ideas both on the island of Puerto Rico and in the continental United States. American citizenship made possible unencumbered population movements from the island to the U.S. mainland. The twentieth century communities Puerto Ricans forged throughout the United States bear witness to their place in American history, particularly in the arenas of labor, community building, bilingual and higher education, politics and organization. Their struggles for justice, equality and inclusion have strengthened American democratic principles. Too often, these are dismissed, misunderstood or homogenized into the more generic Latino experience.

 

Migratory Roots: Some scholars date the earliest contacts between the United States and Puerto Rico to the exploratory voyages of Juan Ponce de León, who set out in 1513 to realize mythic fables in the sixteenth century spirit of Spanish conquest, exploitation and colonization. The island’s first governor laid claim instead to the Florida peninsula. Although this historic moment hardly blossomed into reciprocal interactions between island and mainland, the associations between the thirteen original American colonies and the former Spanish colony indeed predate 1898 by several centuries. The eighteenth century revolutions that sparked American independence in the United States found support among Puerto Rican Creoles, as the island harbored American ships flying the stars and stripes and raised money for the war effort. The emergence of the hemisphere’s first African American republic, the climax of the Haitian Revolution (1792–1801) and the transfers of French Louisiana (1803) and Spanish Florida (1819) to American sovereignty launched a flow of emigrants from the United States and Hispaniola. Many of the exiles sought and received refuge in Puerto Rico. As a major presidio in the Crown’s fortification system, guardians of the Caribbean gateway to the territorial riches of the Spanish New World empire, Puerto Rican immigration was further augmented by Mexican deserters, fugitive enslaved persons, an imported labor force, expanded military personnel and European and South American immigration. By the last half of the century, Spanish colonial ports were thrown open to foreign trade in which the newly created United States of America would play a dominant role.[4]

 

It was, however, the emigrations of the nineteenth century that set into motion patterns of population movements within the Americas reflected in the diasporic communities of the present day. The Latin American wars for independence (1810–1824) spurred waves of immigration to the Hispanic Caribbean as loyalists and rebels alike opted to leave war-torn regions of the crumbling empire. Many with expertise in plantation economies and capital to invest relocated to Cuba and Puerto Rico, last bastions of conservative Spanish power. In the Hispanic Antilles, especially Puerto Rico, an increased military presence maintained firm control throughout the period of Latin American conflicts, despite repeated attempts to liberate the islands by Venezuelan and Mexican revolutionaries. Expeditions to free Puerto Rico came also from geographic sites in the United States financed by Cuban and Puerto Rican natives who sanctioned New Orleans, New York City and Philadelphia as conspiratorial bases. As late in the conflicts as the 1820s, groups of Puerto Rican men and women joined Cuban counterparts in unsuccessful attempts to include the Hispanic Caribbean in the Latin American struggles for independence. Their covert actions formed an extensive network, with benefactors in the United States, Venezuela, Colombia and Mexico and were centered in ports of call that included the principal cities of San Juan, Caracas and New Orleans.[5]

 

As independent nations took form throughout Latin America, Spain tightened political and economic control in Cuba and Puerto Rico. Such suppressive acts provoked further departures to the United States and other regions of the hemisphere, even as Puerto Rico witnessed unprecedented immigration from Spain, the Canary Islands and other Catholic European countries. Due in great measure to Crown concessions and grants like the 1815 Cédula de Gracias, a royal decree that encouraged immigration to Spanish possessions, such relocation continued to parallel political and commercial connections established in earlier decades.  More significant, legal and clandestine immigration marked a dramatic decline in Spanish exclusivity. When the Crown decreed permission for foreign trade with Puerto Rico and Cuba in 1824, including the establishment of official consular representation, increased commercial bonds between the United States and the islands was all but assured.   Along with Western European countries, the United States supplied the islands with furniture, machinery, steel and iron parts, jute, hemp, wheat, flour and hog by-products. By the last third of the century, Puerto Rican agricultural production depended heavily on American markets, and almost half of the island’s imports consisted of U. S. products vital for human consumption. Based initially on a flourishing ultramarine exchange of Puerto Rican rum, molasses, sugar and tobacco for American foodstuffs, Puerto Rican merchants ultimately accompanied cargo across the ocean. As early as the 1830s, trade networks expanded sufficiently to warrant the establishment of commercial brokerage houses in northeastern Atlantic cities including New York, Hartford and Boston. The Cuban–Puerto Rican Benevolent Merchants’ Association dates to that period. These commercial establishments facilitated trade and advanced the well being of its merchant members.   Trade routes and their resultant regional ties continued to link Puerto Rican emigrants to New Orleans as well as key cities in the Northeast. Before and just after the Civil War, New Orleans predominated as the center for commercial and political activities, a place where Antillean annexationists and independence seekers could meet under a variety of guises. Among the earliest emigrants involved in trade and other enterprises in the Northeast during that period was the merchant family of José de Rivera, a wealthy sugar and wine trader who lived in Bridgeport, Connecticut from 1844 to 1855. The New Haven, Connecticut census for 1860 lists the names of ten Puerto Ricans, one of whom, Augustus Rodríguez, fought in the Civil War. Records indicate he became a city firefighter following the War.[6]

 

The Puerto Rican abolitionist, Julio Vizcarrondo (1830-1889), scion of a privileged family, found his way to Boston in the 1850s, not for purposes of trade but for political reasons. In Boston he was free to join anti-slavery movements and publish provocative political tracts read throughout Europe and the United States. Along with his Bostonian wife, he returned to continue his abolitionist mission in Puerto Rico in 1854.[7]

 

The last half of the century witnessed increased emigration from Puerto Rico, as individuals were ousted from the island or left of their own accord to escape tyranny and exploitation or search for economic opportunity.  Like Julio Vizcarrondo, many emigrated as political exiles. Others were artisans in search of opportunity or labor leaders disenchanted with the island’s political authoritarianism. Still others comprised contingents of contract and non-contract workers. A few left the island to enroll as students in American universities.  Who were the Puerto Rican students and what was their role in the fledgling communities?   Among those who obtained university degrees in the nineteenth or early twentieth centuries were well-known figures who changed the course of history through their leadership and actions and lesser-known individuals whose legacies were equally as important.  Puerto Ricans earned degrees from a number of colleges and universities, including St. Joseph’s Academy in Brooklyn, New York. A handful, among them Rafael Janer, established educational institutions directed towards fulfilling the intellectual aspirations of Caribbean or Latin American students.[8]

 

José Celso Barbosa (1857–1921) studied in the United States and saw political alternatives for the future of the rigidly stratified colony, particularly in the practice of democratic ideals, race relations and the treatment of American blacks in the North. Celso Barbosa was born into an extended family of free black artisans and rose to graduate first in his medical studies at the University of Michigan in 1882. Returning to Puerto Rico, he founded the Republican Party pledged to promote statehood, prosperity and civil liberties. His daughter, Pilar Barbosa de Rosario (1898–1997), the first woman to teach at the University of Puerto Rico, received master’s and doctorate degrees from Clark University. Celso Barbosa’s contemporary, Felix Córdova Dávila(1878–1938), provides another example. Córdova Dávila studied at Howard University and later at National University in Washington, D.C., earning a degree in jurisprudence. Córdova Dávila served as the fourth Resident Commissioner for Puerto Rico in the U.S. Congress, from 1917 until 1932.[9]

 

From the early 1920s on, numerous Puerto Rican students, like the aforementioned Barbosa de Rosario and her contemporary Amelia Agostino del Río (1896–1996), who likewise earned impressive credentials from American educational institutions, opted to study in the United States.  The venerable nationalist and independentista leader, Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos, was a product of the University of Vermont and Harvard Law School. He completed his studies in the first decades of the twentieth century. Albizu Campos’ contemporary, Luis Muñoz Marín, the statesman whose leadership defined the epoch of Puerto Rican modernization and industrialization, was educated at Georgetown University. Similarly, the leader of the island’s Union Republican Party, Celso Barbosa’s successor, Rafael Martínez Nadal, graduated from Johns Hopkins University.   Agostino del Río is among the many interesting people excluded from the textbooks. Nonetheless, she personifies the growing numbers of young men and women whose careers directly affected continental communities. She was born in Yauco in 1918, and moved to New York after teaching in island schools. A Spanish teacher, she worked her way through Vassar College. By 1929, she had received a master’s degree from Colombia University and an appointment to the faculty of Barnard College. She is credited with writing more than 45 books of essays, plays, poetry, short stories and art history. Along with her husband, Mrs. del Río authored Antología de la Literatura Española, considered a classic in the teaching of Spanish literature.[10]

 

A survey of Puerto Ricans educated in the United States would undoubtedly reveal that they too comprised an important human resource for developing continental communities. Some, like Luis Muñoz Marín, a young Bohemian poet in Washington, D.C., and later in New York City, participated wholeheartedly in the affairs of U.S. enclaves; others did not. Many lived full lives in the service of advancing diasporic communities, while others chose to make their marks in the island society. Yet others emigrated because of harsh political or economic conditions beyond their control and were forced to divide their lives between island and U.S. communities. Among these were significant numbers of political exiles and workers, whose experience bridged the transfer of power from Spanish to American possession.   An émigré colony of Puerto Rican and Cuban political exiles, believed to date to the first stirrings for liberation in the late 1820s, surfaced again as the focal point for Antillean independence activities in the late 1860s and again in the 1890s. There were many reasons for political unrest in nineteenth century Puerto Rico, not the least of which was the failure of the Spanish Juntas Informativas in 1867. These representative commissions to the Córtes in Madrid assembled to draft provincial ultramarine legislation, Leyes Especiales, for governing Cuba and Puerto Rico. Rejection of the special laws’ framework fueled renewal of political activism in New York.

 

A key figure in the liberation movement was Segundo Ruiz Belvis, emissary to the Juntas, but his arrival in New York in 1867 with the patriot, Ramón Emeterio Betances, considered the architect of Puerto Rico’s abolitionist and independence movement, signaled a rethinking of political priorities. Determined to achieve Puerto Rican independence through whatever means necessary, Betances and Ruiz Belvis believed that liberation could no longer depend on Spain’s good intentions.

 

Two years later Eugenio María de Hostos, leading educator, philosopher and liberal reformer, and Dr. J. J. Henna, as well-known for his involvement in politics as he was for humanitarian deeds, joined the exile group in the New York colonia. The earliest political and socio-cultural organizations stem from these encounters and indicate close connections between Cuba and Puerto Rico. The Puerto Rican arm of the Sociedad Republicana de Cuba y Puerto Rico, headed by Cuban Juan Manuel Macías and Puerto Rican Dr. José Francisco Basora, offers a good example.[11]

 

Along with New York City, the Floridian cities of Tampa and Key West comprised a pivotal triangle of revolutionary action from 1892 to 1898. Support for Antillean liberation came from several sources, including some five hundred Hispanic-owned cigar factories in New York—bodegas, barber shops, restaurants and boarding houses. Associations sprang up dedicated to supporting the war effort. These provided arms and medical essentials, disseminated propaganda and raised funds. They proliferated in the cities of New York and Brooklyn, not yet incorporated into the larger metropolis.

 

Similar groups were also found in other cities, such as Boston, Philadelphia and Hartford. Tobacco workers, tradesmen, skilled and unskilled laborers constituted the bulk of the membership.  This was of particular importance, as cigar makers and others in the tobacco industry were known to be at the vanguard of workers’ movements in the Hispanic Antilles.  Such experience would aid in the formation of stateside communities.   Key to radicalization and consciousness-raising among the workers was the practice of la lectura (the readings) in the cigar factories.  In firsthand accounts, chronicler Bernardo Vega and essayist Jesús Colón convey the significance of the lectura in island society and in the New York communities.[12]

 

The readings stirred a sense of camaraderie among the workers, regardless of national origin, and engendered political reformist ideologies as well as literary erudition. In New York, la lectura flourished in Hispanic-owned factories that maintained the custom of reading aloud to the workers as they engaged in the various tasks of cigar making. Readers came from among the workers themselves; they organized the readings into current events and other non-fiction material, literature or political tracts. Vega recalls: During the readings at “El Morito” and other factories, silence reigned supreme—it was almost like being in church. Whenever we got excited about a certain passage we showed our appreciation by tapping our tobacco cutters on the tables…. At the end of each session there would be a discussion of what had been read. Conversation went from one table to another without our interrupting our work. Though nobody was formally leading the discussion, everyone took turns speaking.[13]

 

For Puerto Ricans and Cubans alike, New York continued to be a choice site for expatriation. The diverse community in exile found in that city included banished Latin Americans as well as individuals from the Hispanic Caribbean, with whom Puerto Ricans could form alliances.

 

Associations connected with Antillean independence reflected diversity, cutting a wide swath across class and racial lines. They recruited recent arrivals into their midst, among them former landowners, women, seasoned political activists, skilled and unskilled laborers and professionals. A notable example is the poet, Lola Rodríguez de Tió, staunch supporter of Puerto Rican independence, who lived much of her life in exile because of her liberal political convictions. A New York resident at the height of the conflict, she enhanced the cultural dimensions of exile community groups with piano recitals, poetry readings and fiery discourses for political change.

 

The emigration to New York in 1891 of the young Puerto Rican, Arturo Alfonso Schomburg, coincided with such political activities. The future archivist of the African diaspora devoted his life to fighting injustice against Africans and their American descendants. Schomburg proved instrumental in the development of the barrio Latino in his early years by founding associations dedicated to Antillean liberation.  Although faced with racial discrimination from the wider, non-Hispanic society and institutionalized residential segregation, black Puerto Ricans, like Schomburg, interacted in the fraternal life of the Puerto Rican community.  Along with Rosendo Rodríguez, he headed Las Dos Antillas, a racially integrated organization, and participated in the activities of numerous others. Among others, these groups formed bulwarks of the revolutionary movement.

 

In 1895 conflicts between Spain and Cuba erupted into open warfare. In New York, the composition of the Puerto Rican branch of the Cuban Revolutionary Party ranged from avowed independence supporters to annexationists, testimony to the growing diversity of the colonia.  Typesetter and essayist Sotero Figueroa, journalist Antoñio Vélez Alvarado, and the poet who would give his life for the cause, Francisco Gonzalo (Pachín) Marín, joined forces with annexationists Dr. José Julio Henna, Roberto H. Todd and Manuel Besosa, who favored tighter U.S. political connections.

 

Finally, community presses were particularly instrumental in disseminating revolutionary ideology. The first issue of Patria surfaced in March 1892. Edited by Figueroa, Patria, the newspaper of the Cuban Revolutionary Party, followed in the traditions of earlier newspapers published in the U.S., La Revoluciòn (1870s), La Voz de Puerto Rico (1874), and El Porvenir (1888).[14]

 

Clearly, the historical antecedents of community development are laid with the alliances and activities of U.S.-based revolutionary enclaves from 1860 to 1898.  Exile colonia aspirations firmly grounded in homeland concerns articulated an independent Antillean future for which U.S. settlements were merely stepping-stones. However, the culmination of Spanish colonialism in 1898 arrested many individual and communitarian agendas.

 

New coalitions sprang forth prepared to broker the plight of continental communities, particularly in New York, which would garner the bulk of the migratory flow until the 1960s.  These groups would increasingly turn towards appeasing the circumstances of Puerto Ricans in the United States. Pioneer twentieth century hometown and social clubs, mutual aid societies and political, professional and social-cultural groups bridged the gap between associations that hinged on Antillean independence and those that followed in the wake of the new political order: the colonization of Puerto Rico under the United States.

 

Emergent and experienced leadership forged from past organizational encounters stimulated a nascent communal structure poised to cushion and mold the migration experience, ameliorating its inherent ruptures, relocation and renewals. Inasmuch as they continued to articulate Puerto Rican interests on both sides of the ocean, individuals and the organizations they spawned stabilized and advanced important communities within the North American setting.

 


[1]   Kal Wagenheim and Olga Jiménez de Wagenheim, eds., The Puerto Ricans: A Documentary History (Princeton, New Jersey: Markus Weiner Publishers, 1996), 100.

[2]  Clara E. Rodríguez, Puerto Ricans: Born in the U.S.A. (Boston, Massachusetts: Unwin Hyman, 1989), 1.
[3]   David Hernández, “Puerto Rican Geographic Mobility: The Making of a Deterritorialized Nationality,” in  The Latino Review of Books (University at Albany, SUNY, Vol. II, No. 3, 1996 – 97), 5.
[4]   For excellent histories of Puerto Rico detailing 16th through 19th centuries see Francisco A., Scarano, Puerto Rico: Cinco Siglos de Historia (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1993) and Arturo Morales Carrión, Puerto Rico and the Non Hispanic Caribbean: A Study in the Decline of Spanish Exclusivism (Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico: University of Puerto Rico Press, 1952).
[5]   Scarano, Cinco Siglos de Historia, 388 – 9.
[6]   Ruth Glasser, Aqui Me Quedo: Puerto Ricans in Connecticut (Connecticut Humanities Council, July 1992), 2.
[7]   Scarano, Cinco Siglos de Historia, 446.
[8]   C. A. Iglesias, Memoirs of Bernardo Vega (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1984), 90. Vega lists Augustín Fernández, Miguel Angel Muñoz and Gustavo Amil as students during this early period. Rafael Janer founded a college in Baltimore, Maryland, patterned after the Cuban leader, Tomás Estrada Palma’s in Central Valley. For a reference to Janer see also Virginia Sánchez Korrol, From Colonia to Community: The History of Puerto Ricans in New York City (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 1994), 244.
[9]   For more about Celso Barbosa see Loretta Phelps de Córdova, Five Centuries in Puerto Rico: Portraits and Eras (San Germán, Puerto Rico: Interamerican University Press, 1988), 66–68. See also Scarano, Cinco Siglos de Historia, 526–7; See Phelps de Córdova, 99–102 for more about Córdova Dávila.
[10]   The New York Times, Obituaries, January 24, 1997, B6.
[11] C. A. Iglesias, Memoirs of Bernardo Vega, 48.
[12]   Ibid., 19–26. Jesús Colón’s “A Voice Through the Window” in A Puerto Rican in New York and Other Sketches (New York: International Publishers, 1982), describes the political and educational value of the practice, especially in raising the consciousness of workers who could barely read or write. See also Edna Acosta Belén and Virginia Sánchez Korrol, eds., The Way It Was and Other Writings (Houston, Texas: Arte Público Press, 1993).
[13]   C. A. Iglesias, Memoirs of Bernardo Vega, 22.
[14]   Edna Acosta Belén, “The Building of a Community: Puerto Rican Writers and Activists in New York City, 1890s–1960s,” in Ramón Gutiérrez and Genaro Padilla, eds., Recovering the U.S. Hispanic Literary Heritage (Houston, Texas: Arte Público Press, 1993), 179–195. See also Nicolás Kanellos, “A Socio–Historic Study of Hispanic Newspapers in the United States,” in Recovering the U.S. Hispanic Literary Heritage, 107–128.