Voices Barrios/ Florida

Hola amigos: The eMagazine Voices from the Center for Puerto Rican Studies of the Hunter College gives us the Barrios, this time Florida Barrios: by patricia.silver@hunter.cuny.edu.

This section of Voices: Barrios will focus on Florida — home to about ¾ million Puerto Ricans. Since 1990, Florida’s Puerto Rican population has grown to become the second-largest in the diaspora. The most dramatic increase has been in Central Florida, where the percentage of Puerto Ricans to total population in the Orlando-Kissimmee area is now larger than that of New York.

Florida Barrio Image

Barrios – La Florida stretches the definition of the barrio. Florida is a big place with many Puerto Rican communities spread from Tampa through Orlando to the Space Coast and from Miami to Jacksonville. We want to use this space to explore all of them. The spring 2010 issue of CENTRO Journal reports on some of the earliest research on Puerto Rican Florida. The “La Florida” section of the Barrios series is intended to augment the work begun in CENTRO Journalby offering a space for scholars and artists to tell the stories of “La Florida.” This section is about the history and actuality of Puerto Rican Florida. We invite submissions of oral histories, photo essays, interview excerpts, brief analyses of qualitative or quantitative research, and other pieces that together will make a mosaic of the Puerto Rican barrios of La Florida. Submissions may be in English or Spanish.

In this issue, we have included a statistical presentation of Puerto Rican Florida demographics (Demographic Overview), an excerpt from an oral history about Puerto Rican experience in Florida in the 1950s (Oral Histories), a photo essay about one community in Central Florida (Barrios of La Florida), and an archival document from the 1930s that invites further investigation (En los Baúles). In the future, we hope to see Barrios – La Florida grow with information on art and culture, education, history, health, housing, politics, economics, and other topics that you might propose to us. For more information, or to submit materials, contact Patricia Silver, section editor Voices: Barrios – La Florida patricia.silver@hunter.cuny.edu.

Reflections from the Field:

A Photo Essay of Buenaventura Lakes, FL

Simone Delerme

  In June of 2010, I relocated from East Harlem, New York toKissimmee, Florida to begin my ethnographic fieldwork in theBuenaventura Lakes (BVL) Subdivision. BVL is situated in the Orlando-Kissimmee Metropolitan Area, located within a 20-mile radius of several international tourist destinations, most notably Disney World. According to the 2006-2008 American Community Survey, BVL has a total population of 25,343. At the time of the survey there were 10,514 Puerto Ricans, 615 Cubans, 210 Mexicans, and 5,278 individuals that identified as “other Hispanic or Latino.” Buenaventura Lakes was incorrectly labeled as Yeehaw Junction in the 2000 Census and the 2006-2008 American Community Survey.

Given the large number of Puerto Ricans, I was surprised to observe the following street names within the vicinity of my home: Mexicali Way, Oaxaca Lane, Toluca Drive, Guadalajara Drive, Merida Drive, Campeche Lane, Vera Cruz Avenue, and Acapulco Drive. These street names are derived from place-names in Mexico. I later learned about the Mexican millionaires who were responsible for the BVL project. In the 1970s there was growing fear that Mexico would nationalize, therefore Mexican land developers decided to invest in the United States. Their initial intention was to sell plots of land, but they transitioned to home sales after swampland scandals affected Florida land sales operations. The land developers initially created the Real Estate Corporation of Florida to sell plots of land, but they later created the Landstar Homes Corporation when they went into home sales.

In 1978, Landstar Homes constructed their first home in rural Osceola County. Long-time residents mentioned that BVL was all farmland back then and described the cows and ducks that would obstruct the area’s one road, Boggy Creek. Landstar opened sales offices in New York, Chicago, and New Jersey offering “Affordable Luxury” and “Country Club Living.” Sales offices were also opened in Mexico, Venezuela, and Puerto Rico, which contributed to the influx of Puerto Ricans in the 1980s.

       Fast forward to 2010, where the Puerto Rican and Hispanic presence demands attention. Numerous supermarkets (Publix Sabor, Bravo, El Aguila) restaurants (Pioco’s Chicken, La Carreta, Delicias, Sebastian Café, Churro Mania, Tropico, La Caribeña) and other small businesses cater to the Hispanic residents of BVL, and dominate the commercial landscape.

Buenaventura Lakes Bodega

       Upon first glance, it is not always obvious that the residential spaces of this suburban subdivision house such a large concentration of Puerto Ricans. However, a Puerto Rican flaghanging in a garage, window, or as an insignia on a car serves as a reminder.

At the same time, I have observed space being used differently than what I have been accustomed to in other suburbs where I have lived or visited. In suburban developments, social life often occurs within the house or in the rear of the home, within private backyards that are equipped with pools and grills. In BVL it is not uncommon to observe residents sitting on lawn chairs in front of their homes, socializing in garages that have been converted to common areas with tables, chairs, and couches, or performing mechanical work in their driveways and garages.

       The weekends bring a plethora of garage sales, yard sales, and the occasional poster board advertising alcapurrias (meat fritters) or pinchos (shish kebab) available from a grill that has been set up on the front lawn or in a garage. These practices, the concentration of Puerto Ricans, the presence of Hispanic and Puerto Rican businesses, and the absence of a regulatory Home Owners Association have earned BVL the nickname Boricuas Viven Libre.

Still, the community faces a number of challenges. Residents have mentioned the need for increased code enforcement, infrastructural improvements, beautification projects, the debate over incorporation, and the lack of social spaces and social activities. The closure of both BVL golf courses, and the country club was a disappointment to the residents who bought into the country club lifestyle. While there is a great deal of “crime talk” about drugs, gangs, and graffiti, the mortgage crisis is what I find most visible. It is hard to go down a street without passing a “For Sale” sign or a vacant property (oftentimes a foreclosure) that has been neglected.

Since 2008, Florida has ranked amongst the top states in the country for foreclosure filings. In 2009, the Orlando Sentinel reported that a majority of foreclosed homes in Central Florida were located in two predominately Puerto Rican communities, one of which was BVL. During the next two years I will be investigating Puerto Rican migration to Osceola County, social class formation, the homeownership experience, and the effects of the mortgage crisis. Social class can be an ambiguous, fluid, and complex category when used to describe populations that have been traditionally homogenized as “underclassed” and racialized as non-white, as has been the case of Puerto Ricans. My research will address the fragility and ambiguity of social class identities by examining how Puerto Ricans articulate, perform, and protect their class identities, particularly in light of an economic crisis in both Puerto Rico and the U.S. mainland.

Puerto Rican Florida: Demographic Overview

“Puerto Rican Florida: Demographic Overview” is taken from a power point presentation prepared by Lucas Pedraza and Patricia Silver and presented at the “Summit on Puerto Rican Affairs: A Vision for the Future” in Kissimmee, Florida, on May 21, 2010. [1] Maps included in each of the entries give visual representations of population density for Puerto Rican populations living in each of these metropolitan areas as well as in the state of Florida by county and by census tract. The data tables presented here include economic, occupational, educational, and demographic data for four metropolitan areas of Florida. For each of these metro areas, there are tables for age and population, housing tenure, educational attainment, income, employment, and poverty rates. The tables for “Florida in the Diaspora” include comparative data on each of these for the state of Florida and the U.S., as well as data on occupation, industry, and class of worker for Florida and the U.S.

The entry called “Florida and the Diaspora” compares these data described above for Puerto Ricans and for the total population in the state of Florida and in the U.S. as a whole. “Florida and the Diaspora” also includes graphs. The first compares population figures for each of the above metropolitan areas of Florida to New York City and the statewide population of Puerto Rican Florida. The other four give a comparative view of the following data categories across each of the four Florida metropolitan areas, New York City, statewide Florida, and all of the U.S.: (1) the percent of Puerto Rican population to the total population and to all Hispanics; (2) median age and percent of Puerto Rican population over age 18; (3) median household income; and (4) education levels for over age 25.

The data tables organized by data category rather than by metropolitan area allow a comparative view across the Orlando-Kissimmee, Tampa – St. Petersburg, Miami, and Jacksonville areas. To access the data tables organized by category and a PDF of the original power point presentation, click here. Florida data project ppt 2010 / Puerto Ricans in Florida Data Tables

 

[1]Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2008 American Community Survey 1-Year Estimates, Selected Population Profile; U.S. Census Bureau, 2008 American Community Survey 3-Year Estimates, Selected Population Profile; U.S. Census Bureau 2000, Summary File 1.

 

 

 

 

 

Digging Los baules

Days of digging through archival collections in all kinds of places will usually turn up one or two documents that give a glimpse of Puerto Rican experiences in Florida at a time when social research attention given to Puerto Ricans in the U.S. was largely focused on northern U.S. communities. In this section, we will from time to time present one such document together with a brief account of its historical context. We invite you pursue the research lines you find in the document and help us to make this a collaborative effort at unearthing Florida Puerto Rican histories. We also invite you to submit your own intriguing discovery that you may have run across in your research.

 

As an example, here is a document from the Archivo General de Puerto Rico in San Juan (Fondo: Oficina del Gobernador; Tarea: 96-20; Caja 269: Correspondencia General, Emigración, 1932-47). When Robert Gore was inaugurated as Governor of Puerto Rico in 1933, he came to Puerto Rico from Florida and brought a wreath for Ponce de León’s tomb. Although originally from Kentucky, Gore spent his winters in Florida, where he had acquired newspapers. In his inaugural speech, he suggested that bringing Puerto Ricans to Florida was a possible path to resolving both Florida’s need to populate its vast lands and Puerto Rico’s “population problem.” The archives in San Juan have a small collection of letters to Governor Gore from several people of all kinds of backgrounds, each with their own plan for making good on the Governor’s idea.

Uploaded – 2010.

 

Quebradillas, P.R.
July 5, 1933

 

Mr. Robert H. Gore

Our Dear Governor:

We every one here signed is head of a big family. Each one of us has a family compound from five to ten kids in each family.

We are ten good American citizen families. Our occupation is agriculture laborers. All catholics and belong to the white people race.

We are sure you are going to send us soon to Florida. We have not property in Porto Rico. We hope to be in Florida in a pretty soon.

God bless your project of prosperity in our country and let you realize the emigration project to Florida. We hope to be the first ten families enlist to emigrate to Florida. We will start to help you in your emigration project. In God we trust that everything will be right.

Yours very truly and fellow citizen.

Signed

Mariano Gamet
Ramón Losado
Santos Buttler
Domingo Vargas
Santiago Fernández
Jacinto Vargas
Agapito Fernández
José Rivera
Jesús Morales
José Rosado

Vieques y Santa Cruz – Primera Parte

Hola amigos: Continuamos con el barrio de los puertorriqueños en Santa Cruz y las relaciones de  nuestra Isla Nena, Vieques, con esta isla cercana, Santa Cruz ( St. Croix). Es parte de “Voces” del Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños del Hunter College. Este  estudio es auspiciado   por el Concilio de Humanidades de Islas Virgenes  y la Fundación Puertorriqueña de las Humanidades (FPH).   ES

 

Santa Cruz Image

Relaciones Históricas entre Vieques y Santa Cruz

by Roberto Rabin

Archivo Histórico de Vieques

“De Papa dem (puertorriqueños) son nuestros hermanos.
Somos del mismo árbol. Sus raíces son nuestras raíces.
Se extienden cientos de años hacia atrás, hasta África.”
Del libro Kallaloo de Richard A. Schrader, Sr.

Introducción:

Esta publicación es parte de un programa de investigación y divulgación sobre las relaciones históricas entre las islas de Vieques (Puerto Rico) y Santa Cruz (Islas Virgenes de Estados Unidos),  auspiciado por el Concilio de Humanidades de Islas Virgenes (VIHC, por sus siglas en inglés) y la fundación Puertorriqueña de las Humanidades (FPH).

Durante el año académico 1992-93, el historiador residente en Vieques, Robert Rabin, con fondos del VIHC, ofreció una serie de conferencias en las escuelas de Santa Cruz y para la comunidad en general sobre el proceso centenario de migraciones entre nuestras islas.

Otro aspecto importante del proyecto fue la participación de estudiantes de la Central High School(CHS) en una serie de talleres sobre las relaciones históricas entre Vieques y Santa Cruz. Los participantes aprendieron también sobre el proyecto de entrevistar a personas mayores (Historia Oral) para “rescatar” información importante sobre nuestro pasado colectivo. Los estudiantes de la CHS incluyeron a Maribel Chaparro, María Charriez, Merari Cordero, Glendalee Cruz, Jay Cruz, Kareem Francis, Marisol Ramos, Flordaliza Reyes, Dayanara Rivera, Celinés Rodriguez y Alex Romero. Las profesoras Leonor Gillete y Luz Hyfield de la CHS ayudaron con la coordinación de los talleres.

Con la ayuda de Vanesa Ayala Berg, humanista residente del VIHC en Santa Cruz y consejera de la Universidad de Islas Vírgenes (UVI, por sus siglas en inglés), se logró la participación de los siguientes estudiantes de la UVI: Rudolph Albert, Clint D. Ferris, Glendina Mathew, Armando Muñoz, Paulina Ramos, Aymee Santana y Luz Rivera.

Los estudiantes grabaron las historias de sus padres, abuelos y vecinos ancianos relacionadas con la migración viequense a Santa Cruz. Se entrevistaron a veinticinco personas durante el proyecto de cuatro meses. Las grabaciones, notas y otros documentos recopilados están disponibles para los investigadores y otros interesados, en el Archivo Histórico de Vieques.

Parte1:

    • Apuntes sobre las relaciones históricas entre Santa Cruz y ViequesLas relaciones históricas entre las Islas Vírgenes y el archipiélago puertorriqueño son abarcadoras. Puerto Rico y las islas de Santa Cruz, St. John y St. Thomas comparten muchas similitudes en sus procesos de desarrollo y transformaciones socioculturales: población indígena de raíz araucana; destrucción de las culturas autóctonas con la llegada de los europeos hace cinco siglos; la esclavitud como la base del sistema de plantaciones azucareras; resistencia contra la opresión y los abusos de amos y gobernantes coloniales; continuo movimiento migratorio intraisleño y relaciones coloniales con potencias metropolitanas europeas y, en nuestro siglo, norteamericana.Es la relación entre Vieques y Santa Cruz, sin embargo, que representa la máxima expresión de la conexión histórica entre Puerto Rico e Islas Vírgenes. Desde temprano en el siglo pasado, existe un movimiento migratorio entre Vieques y Santa Cruz que ha creado fuertes enlaces entre ambos pueblos. Estos nexos no se limitan a lo económico y político, sino que se extienden a las relaciones culturales y sociales. Un alto nivel de relación familiar se ha generado entre viequenses y cruzanos. Existe entre la población de ascendencia puertorriqueña residente en Santa Cruz, estimada en unas 20,000 personas, un notable sentido de identidad “cruzana”.Durante el siglo XIX y a principios del siglo XX, Vieques proveyó trabajo y un nuevo hogar para un gran número de personas de las Islas Vírgenes. Miles de hombres, mujeres y niños emigraron a Vieques desde las colonias danesas e inglesas del Caribe a trabajar en los cañaverales, ingenios y puertos en aquella época cuando el azúcar era “reina” en esta región. Aunque muchos de estos inmigrantes eran naturales de Tórtola, Antigua, Anguilla, Virgen Gorda, St. Kitts y Nevis, la proximidad entre Vieques e Islas Vírgenes convirtió a estas últimas en el puente que unía a Vieques con el resto de las Antillas Menores.A principios del siglo XX, obreros de Islas Vírgenes representaban una parte sustancial de la población de Vieques. El censo poblacional de Vieques para 1910 provee información sobre cientos de personas naturales de Islas Vírgenes residentes en Vieques. Emilia Crahmar, de Santa Cruz, entró a Vieques en 1866 y trabajó como labradora, según el censo. En 1867, Samuel Williams salió de Santa Cruz para Vieques donde trabajó en uno de los muchos ingenios en la isla. Carlos Charles, carpintero de 29 años para el 1910, llegó a Vieques desde Santa Cruz en 1891. Otros artesanos emigrados de Santa Cruz a Vieques fueron George Onfri, herrero, quien vino en 1878 y Joseph Anduce, hojalatero de 45 años de edad en 1910, quien se había mudado a Vieques en 1868. Abraham Emery y John Fermin llegarón a Vieques de St. Thomas en 1879 y 1898 respectivamente y trabajaron como labradores, según el censo.también de St. Thomas fue AgustinaGatlif, residente en Vieques desde 1872, donde vivió como dulcera.La dirección del flujo de gente entre nuestras islas cambió marcadamente a finales de la segunda década de nuestro siglo. Ya para 1927 habían cerrado operaciones las centrales de Vieques La Arkadia, La Esperanza, y La Santa María. Había sido la prosperidad de estas operaciones azucareras el principal atractivo para los muchos “peones extranjeros” de las cercanas colonias británicas y danesas que emigraron a Vieques y la fuente de trabajo para la población nativa viequense. La grave crisis en la economía mundial que comenzó en 1929 y que continuó hasta el inicio de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, tuvo serias repercusiones en Vieques. Una situación de pobreza y desesperación empujó a miles de viequenses a buscar oportunidades en otros lares.Varios acontecimientos en el primer tercio del siglo facilitaron y promovieron la migración de viequenses a Santa Cruz. La compra de las Islas Vírgenes danesas por parte de Estados Unidos en 1917 y la aprobación del acta Jones otorgándoles la ciudadanía estadounidense a los puertorriqueños en ese mismo año, eliminarón las barreras legales al movimiento de gente entre estos territorios norteamericanos. La aplicación a las Islas Vírgenes estadounidenses de las leyes de inmigración norteamericanas en 1927 también tuvo un fuerte impacto en este proceso. Anterior a esta fecha los agricultores daneses importaban obreros para la industria de la caña de las cercanas islas británicas. Las nuevas leyes paralizaron esta práctica y obligó a los azucareros a buscar en otros lugares para su mano de obra.En la cercana isla de Vieques encontraron una situación ideal: condiciones deprimentes de la industria azucarera viequense empeoradas con la Gran Depresión de los años ’30, obligaban a los trabajadores de Vieques a emigrar en busca de empleo. Agentes de las compañías azucareras de Islas Vírgenes reclutaron gangas de obreros en Vieques para transportarlos a Santa Cruz. Muchos de estos trabajadores “temporeros” se quedaron, trajeron sus familiares de Vieques y se establecieron en Santa Cruz permanentemente.La situación crítica de Vieques llegó a su auge a finales de los 1930’s. Un artículo del periódico, El mundo, del martes, 6 de junio de 1939 lleva como título, La isla de Vieques se está quedando desierta. El subtítulo lee: “las familias emigran por centenares rumbo a Santa Cruz huyéndose de la espantosa situación de miseria que allí (en Vieques) prevalece”.Un miembro de una comisión viequense que había viajado a San Juan en busca de ayuda del gobierno central, declaró lo siguiente a la prensa,”ahora mismo debe estar el nene llorando por hambre. Hay veces que, por no dejar de ser honrao’, me tengo que contener pa’ no llevar a mis hijos alguna de las reses que tiene la central por allí cerca”. Ante la “pavorosa situación de miseria” que afligía la isla, la emigración fue una de pocas alternativas. El artículo de El Mundo señala que más de tres mil personas ya habían emigrado a Santa Cruz. Los miembros de la Comisión preguntaban a los representantes del gobierno: “…que piensan hacer de nuestras esposas y de nuestras madres, de nuestros hijos y de nuestras hermanas. Estamos dispuestos a liar los trapos y marcharnos también para Santa Cruz, dejando desierta a Vieques”.En 1941, comenzaron en Vieques las expropiaciones de la marina de guerra de Estados Unidos que terminaron a finales de esa década restando de manos viequenses el 72% del territorio de la isla. Desaparecida la última central, la Playa Grande, como consecuencia de la llegada de la marina, la situación socioeconómica empeoró. Doña Guillermina Nieves Nieves, nacida en Vieques el 8 de julio de 1913, relató a las estudiantes de la Central High School, Marisol Ramos y Maribel Chaparro, sobre su decisión de emigrar a Santa Cruz.

      “La situación en el ’44 estaba mala. Yo tenía cinco hijos, se había terminado la construcción en la base naval y no había trabajo en Vieques. Cuando quitaron la central Playa Grande, entonces, ¿dónde había trabajo y dónde había dinero? Qué íbamos a comer con cinco muchachos y nosotros dos, ¿qué comeríamos? Por eso la gente emigraron. Fuimos buscando ambiente. Uno tiene que ir donde haiga (…) donde no haiga, ¿por qué? Aquí (en Santa Cruz) habían muchos puertorriqueños. La familia de mi esposo ya estaba aquí (…) después yo vine. Yo fui la primera y detrás de mí se vinieron todos, mi mamá, mi papá y todo el mundo (…) era bueno porque había trabajo (…) se trabajaba (…) vinieron muchos puertorriqueños (…) casi todos los puertorriqueños que hay aquí, los mayores, casi todos eran de Vieques (…) todavía hay muchos viviendo aquí (…) muchos han muerto”.

      Nota: Expulsados de Vieques por el fracaso de la industria azucarera y las expropiaciones militares de los 1940’s, los viequenses emigraron en grandes números a Santa Cruz, donde había trabajo disponible en las plantaciones azucareras, en una naciente industria turística y luego en las plantas petroquímicas. En las últimas décadas, personas de todas clases de la sociedad viequense han emigrado a Santa Cruz en busca de un mejor futuro. Mientras el número de puertorriqueños en Islas Vírgenes se estimó en 3,000 en 1950, 6,000 para 1960 y 9,700 en 1965, los estimados actuales son de 20,000.

Voices – The Barrios

Hola amigos: today I present you : Barrios – from The Center for Puerto Rican Studies of the Hunter College.. We will start with the Barrio of  Puerto Ricans  in St. Croix.  Enjoy! ES

Voices Magazine Image

The Barrios series promotes ties with communities by focusing on the physical neighborhoods that are home to most diasporic Puerto Ricans, as seen through the eyes of historians, artists, social scientists and other researchers. Barrios will investigate the history of the barrios, and concern itself with architecture, commerce, community-based organizations, art, social movements, and the impact of gentrification and dislocation in each community.

Featuring in Barrios

 

 

 

 

 

 

Content credits: Center for Puerto Rican Studies

Introduction

Nadjah Ríos-Villarini

Universidad de Puerto Rico, Río Piedras

[Translated by Aitza Maldonado Martich]

When we think about the Puerto Rican diaspora, we traditionally locate it in continental US in cities like New York, Chicago, and most recently in Orlando. Nonetheless, we barely remember a Puerto Rican migratory movement that since the 1920s found in the United States Virgin Islands, particularly in Saint Croix, an economical, climatic, and cultural refuge. Who are these Puerto Ricans? What motivated them to migrate? How did they work and what cultural traditions do they preserve? These are some questions we try to answer in this edition of Cento Voices: Barrios.

From here to there:

The 1920s dramatically stressed the economy of the nearby Puerto Rican islands of Vieques and Culebra. The military presence of the United States Navy on both islands propelled the rapid decay of the sugar cane industry motivating the movement of the workforce in two directions: the big island and Saint Croix. The movement to the nearby island was possible because in 1917, the United States had acquired the islands of Saint Croix, Saint Thomas, and Saint John for $25 million as part of a strategic measure to protect the Panama Canal and the Caribbean.

The island of Saint Croix offered several advantages such as: the transportation between islands was trouble-free, the climatic conditions were very similar, there was a need for someone to work the land, and the United States government was searching to promote an American ideology in a recently acquired territory. However, the Puerto Ricans faced obstacles that troubled this migration, marking a unique hue on this Diaspora. Among the distinctive elements between these islands, the linguistic factor and the cultural customs were the first manifested.

Saint Croix, cultural meeting point:

At present times, the United States Virgin Islands have been administered by Spain, Great Britain, Holland, France, the Sovereign Military Order of Malta, Denmark, and the United States. Each administration has imprinted characteristics that even today can be observed in the architecture, gastronomy, and cultural practices of the inhabitants.

Saint Croix is divided into two main towns: 
Christiansted
 and Frederiksted. Initially, the

Puerto Ricans arrived at Frederikstedwhere they were processed and examined by a doctor which certified that new immigrants were in good health. There, they were received by family members or acquaintances already established on the island. They immediately began to work the land and harvest sugar cane until collecting enough capital to bring the rest of their family. The Bethlehem Central was a home to these first immigrants.

Other Puerto Ricans arrived at Saint Croix as merchants and established small businessessuch as markets, clothing stores and selling of essential articles. The production of coal was an industry that emerged among Puerto Ricans. Some say that a Puerto Rican man called Don Capuleto organized all the charcoal producers until he formed a type of cooperative for the selling and distribution of what they called “electricity” during those times.

This workforce migration lasted until the end of the 1950s. By then, the Puerto Rican population was so numerous that the Department of Education began recruiting teachers for the establishment of the Bilingual Education Program. This program mainly looked after the educational and linguistic difficulties produced by the cultural shock experimented by new migrants. This second migratory wave was constituted by teachers knowledgeable in all subjects, arriving at Saint Croix with an academic and professional preparation that gave prestige and recognition to the community. This political phenomenon arrived at its highest level toward the end of the 1970s when Juan Francisco Luis, a viequense raised in the Virgin Islands, was elected governor in 1978; he was reelected on several occasions and his administration lasted nine years.

Puerto Crusians, Crusian Rican y Papa Them:

Currently, the population of Saint Croix is recorded to be 53,324 inhabitants. According to the Census on 2000, this is almost half of the population of the Virgin Islands, which is estimated to be 108,612 inhabitants. From the total of inhabitants, 15,196 were identified as Hispanic, and from this amount, 8,558 specified to be Puerto Rican. These numbers have to be handled carefully because the concepts of ethnicity and race are object of negotiation in everyday life and they are manifested in multiple ways.

Aside from the Puerto Ricans, other groups converged in this diaspora proceeding from the islands of Saint Kitts, Nevis, Antigua, Bermuda, Saint Lucia, and Dominica. Although American English is the official language, we can also listen to several inhabitants’ dialectic variants of Spanish and two other Creole languages, one with an English base and the other one with a French base.

Santa Cruz @ Centro Voices: Barrios:

This edition of Barrios offers to our readers historical articles regarding to Saint CroixPuerto Rican diaspora that includes “Relaciones históricas entre Vieques y Santa Cruz” by Roberto Rabin, as well as ethnographic accounts of the diasporic community in “Alianzas, tensiones y contradicciones en la vida social de migrantes puertorriqueñas en Santa Cruz, Islas Vírgenes Americanas: tres experiencias de vida” by Mirerza Gonzalez.

In addition you will have the opportunity to read life stories in the articles “Narrative of People from the Puerto Rican Community in St. Croix” written by Brenda Dominguez Rosado. Another interesting contribution form an ethnographic point of view is the work of graduate student Kathering Miranda. Finally you will find an interview with distinguished photographer Diego Conde who has spent the last 40 years documenting with images the history of this migration.

Voices Barrios/St. Croix

Hola amigos: The eMagazine Voices from the Center for Puerto Rican Studies of the Hunter College gives us the Barrios, this time St. Croix Barrio. ES

Map of St. Croix Image

BARRIOS

“The Barrios series promotes ties with communities by focusing on the physical neighborhoods that are home to most diasporic Puerto Ricans, as seen through the eyes of historians, artists, social scientists and other researchers. Barrios will investigate the history of the barrios, and concern itself with architecture, commerce, community-based organizations, art, social movements, and the impact of gentrification and dislocation in each community.”

Center for Puerto Rican Studies, Hunter College

Introduction

Nadjah Ríos-Villarini

Universidad de Puerto Rico, Río Piedras

[Translated by Aitza Maldonado Martich]

When we think about the Puerto Rican diaspora, we traditionally locate it in continental US in cities like New York, Chicago, and most recently in Orlando. Nonetheless, we barely remember a Puerto Rican migratory movement that since the 1920s found in the United States Virgin Islands, particularly in Saint Croix, an economical, climatic, and cultural refuge. Who are these Puerto Ricans? What motivated them to migrate? How did they work and what cultural traditions do they preserve? These are some questions we try to answer in this edition of Cento Voices: Barrios.

From here to there:

The 1920s dramatically stressed the economy of the nearby Puerto Rican islands of Vieques and Culebra. The military presence of the United States Navy on both islands propelled the rapid decay of the sugar cane industry motivating the movement of the workforce in two directions: the big island and Saint Croix. The movement to the nearby island was possible because in 1917, the United States had acquired the islands of Saint Croix, Saint Thomas, and Saint John for $25 million as part of a strategic measure to protect the Panama Canal and the Caribbean.

      The island of Saint Croix offered several advantages such as: the transportation between islands was trouble-free, the climatic conditions were very similar, there was a need for someone to work the land, and the United States government was searching to promote an American ideology in a recently acquired territory. However, the Puerto Ricans faced obstacles that troubled this migration, marking a unique hue on this Diaspora. Among the distinctive elements between these islands, the linguistic factor and the cultural customs were the first manifested.

Saint Croix, cultural meeting point:

At present times, the United States Virgin Islands have been administered by Spain, Great Britain, Holland, France, the Sovereign Military Order of Malta, Denmark, and the United States. Each administration has imprinted characteristics that even today can be observed in the architecture, gastronomy, and cultural practices of the inhabitants.

Saint Croix is divided into two main towns: Christiansted and Frederiksted. Initially, the Puerto Ricans arrived at Frederikstedwhere they were processed and examined by a doctor which certified that new immigrants were in good health. There, they were received by family members or acquaintances already established on the island. They immediately began to work the land and harvest sugar cane until collecting enough capital to bring the rest of their family. The Bethlehem Central was a home to these first immigrants.

Other Puerto Ricans arrived at Saint Croix as merchants and established small businessessuch as markets, clothing stores and selling of essential articles. The production of coal was an industry that emerged among Puerto Ricans. Some say that a Puerto Rican man called Don Capuleto organized all the charcoal producers until he formed a type of cooperative for the selling and distribution of what they called “electricity” during those times.

This workforce migration lasted until the end of the 1950s. By then, the Puerto Rican population was so numerous that the Department of Education began recruiting teachers for the establishment of the Bilingual Education Program. This program mainly looked after the educational and linguistic difficulties produced by the cultural shock experimented by new migrants. This second migratory wave was constituted by teachers knowledgeable in all subjects, arriving at Saint Croix with an academic and professional preparation that gave prestige and recognition to the community. This political phenomenon arrived at its highest level toward the end of the 1970s when Juan Francisco Luis, a viequense raised in the Virgin Islands, was elected governor in 1978; he was reelected on several occasions and his administration lasted nine years.

Puerto Crusians, Crusian Rican y Papa Them:

Currently, the population of Saint Croix is recorded to be 53,324 inhabitants. According to the Census on 2000, this is almost half of the population of the Virgin Islands, which is estimated to be 108,612 inhabitants. From the total of inhabitants, 15,196 were identified as Hispanic, and from this amount, 8,558 specified to be Puerto Rican. These numbers have to be handled carefully because the concepts of ethnicity and race are object of negotiation in everyday life and they are manifested in multiple ways.

Aside from the Puerto Ricans, other groups converged in this diaspora proceeding from the islands of Saint Kitts, Nevis, Antigua, Bermuda, Saint Lucia, and Dominica. Although American English is the official language, we can also listen to several inhabitants’ dialectic variants of Spanish and two other Creole languages, one with an English base and the other one with a French base.

Santa Cruz @ Centro Voices: Barrios:

This edition of Barrios offers to our readers historical articles regarding to Saint CroixPuerto Rican diaspora that includes “Relaciones históricas entre Vieques y Santa Cruz” by Roberto Rabin, as well as ethnographic accounts of the diasporic community in “Alianzas, tensiones y contradicciones en la vida social de migrantes puertorriqueñas en Santa Cruz, Islas Vírgenes Americanas: tres experiencias de vida” by Mirerza Gonzalez.

In addition you will have the opportunity to read life stories in the articles “Narrative of People from the Puerto Rican Community in St. Croix” written by Brenda Dominguez Rosado. Another interesting contribution form an ethnographic point of view is the work of graduate student Kathering Miranda. Finally you will find an interview with distinguished photographer Diego Conde who has spent the last 40 years documenting with images the history of this migration.